Class, Race, and Marginality

Author(s):  
Katie Beswick

This chapter considers how class and race are navigated through informal performances by marginalized subjects in New York City and London. Taking litefeet dance and grime music as objects of analysis (both performance forms developed and pioneered by working-class men of color), it argues that we can think of informal and ostensibly frivolous practices as importantly political, structuring our understanding of cities and contributing to social and cultural change compelled by injustices in the political system of late capitalism. The chapter posits space as a means of understanding the politics of global cities and the connections between different geographical locations. Drawing on ethnographic and observation work undertaken by the author between 2014 and 2020, it uses hip-hop practices taking place in different contexts as a way of exploring how those who are relegated to the city’s edges find ways to survive and to push back against the dominant order. The argument here acknowledges the impossibility for marginalized performance forms to bring about total structural change but delineates ways that informal practices might nonetheless participate in a politics (understood as a struggle over power) and contribute to processes of change, which may not be inherently radical but are nonetheless resistant.

Stroke ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
James M Noble ◽  
Cailey Simmons ◽  
Mindy F Hecht ◽  
Olajide Williams

Background and Purpose: To examine whether the baseline stroke knowledge of children in schools participating in our Hip Hop Stroke program has changed since its inception in late 2005. Methods: We gathered baseline stroke knowledge surveys from 2,839 students enrolled in the Hip Hop Stroke program from November 2005 through April 2014 with median annual enrollment of 344 (range 55 to 582). All students were enrolled in New York City public schools, in 4th through 6th grade. Students who left ≥3 questions blank were discarded; other blank answers were treated as missing. Data were analyzed using binomial, Chi-Square and regression analysis (SPSS v22.0). Results: Overall there was no consistent trend in baseline stroke knowledge by academic year. Overall, 28.4% of students recognized stroke occurred in the brain (expected value 25% [p<0.001], range from 13.8-61.2% for any given year). With stroke diagnosis provided, 85.5% of 1436 students knew to call 911, whereas only 59.6% of 1243 students knew to call 911 when given a hypothetical real-world stroke symptom scenario without stroke diagnosis included, p<0.001. For a composite assessment of knowledge including 4 stroke symptoms (blurred vision, facial droop, sudden headache, slurred speech), 1 distractor (chest pain), and urgent action plan (call 911), asked consistently since 2006, overall students scored a mean 2.86 (95% CI: 2.80-2.92; possible range 0-6, expected value 2.75), with annual scores ranging from 2.54-3.56. Conclusion: Stroke knowledge among elementary school students remains low and has not appreciably changed during the last 9 years. The use of hypothetical real-world stroke symptom scenarios may more accurately reflect intent to call 911 for stroke than the use of questions in which stroke diagnosis is given.


2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (6) ◽  
pp. 1081-1085 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel A. Muñoz-Laboy ◽  
Daniel H. Castellanos ◽  
Chanel S. Haliburton ◽  
Ernesto Vasquez del Aguila ◽  
Hannah J. Weinstein ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Rosemary Candelario

In 2004, comedian Dave Chappelle brought residents of Yellow Springs, Ohio, and New York City together in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, for a hip-hop block party featuring a roster of socially engaged rap and neo-soul artists. This chapter argues that the 2006 film of the concert,Dave Chappelle’s Block Party, directed by Michel Gondry, endeavors to construct a utopian community centered on the birthplace of hip-hop. Employing dance studies methodologies to examine a non-dance event, this article attends to the choreography of the block, the party attendees and performers, and their spontaneous solo and group gestures and movements at the block party. Such an approach emphasizes the corporeality of the concert performers and attendees and allows an examination of their bodily signification in terms of race, gender, ideology, power, and ultimately the nation.


1969 ◽  
Vol 12 (03) ◽  
pp. 293-303
Author(s):  
Dorothy Porter

On the evening of March 20, 1828, a group of free men of color organized a society that had as its purpose “the mental improvement of the people of color in the neighborhood of Philadelphia.” This organization was to be known as the “Reading Room Society.” Immediately a library was established and the librarian instructed to lend books to members for no longer than a week. Books were to be withdrawn or returned at the society's weekly meeting. Freedoms Journal, the earliest Negro newspaper, the first issue of which appeared in March, 1827, and Lundy's Genius of Universal Emancipation, an antislavery publication, were among the first works circulated. In May, 1833, the Philadelphia Library Company of Colored Persons appealed for “such books and other donations as will facilitate the object of this institution.” By 1838, this library had 600 volumes. Since Negroes could not enjoy the same privileges as whites in libraries, they established for themselves some 45 literary societies between 1828 and 1846 in several large cities, mainly in the East, most of which maintained reading rooms and circulating libraries. As a consequence of these activities many Negroes were stimulated to assemble private libraries. In 1838, in Philadelphia and nearby cities, there were 8333 volumes in private libraries. In New York City, David Ruggles, a Negro abolitionist, pamphleteer, and printer, was probably the first Negro book collector. He maintained a circulating library and made antislavery and colonization publications available to many readers. He charged a fee of less than twenty-five cents a month for renting books relating to the Negro and slavery.


Arts ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam de Paor-Evans

Hip-hop culture is structured around key representational elements, each of which is underpinned by the holistic element of knowledge. Hip-hop emerged as a cultural counter position to the socio-politics of the urban condition in 1970s New York City, fuelled by destitution, contextual displacement, and the cultural values of non-white diaspora. Graffiti—as the primary form of hip-hop expression—began as a political act before morphing into an artform which visually supported the music and dance elements of hip-hop. The emerging synergies graffiti shared with the practices of DJing, rap, and B-boying (breakdancing) forged a new form of art which challenged the cultural capital of music and visual and sonic arts. This article explores moments of intertextuality between visual and sonic metaphors in hip-hop culture and the canon of fine art. The tropes of Michelangelo, Warhol, Monet, and O’Keefe are interrogated through the lyrics of Melle Mel, LL Cool J, Rakim, Felt, Action Bronson, Homeboy Sandman and Aesop Rock to reveal hip-hop’s multifarious intertextuality. In conclusion, the article contests the fallacy of hip-hop as mainstream and lowbrow culture and affirms that the use of fine art tropes in hip-hop narratives builds a critical relationship between the previously disparate cultural values of hip-hop and fine art, and challenges conventions of the class system.


Author(s):  
Joseph C. Ewoodzie

Chapter 4 adds more empirical evidence about how new actors became part of the scene. More particularly, it explains how actors came together to form DJing and MCing crews, an important form of social organization in the nascent hip hop world. It shows that the number of members in each crew, the required skills and responsibilities of each member of the crew, the styles of their performance, the venues of shows, and attire all came to hold great significance for the internal logic of the emerging entity. Additionally, it examines external factors that shaped conventions. It investigates the significance of performance routines and fashion and the impact of the New York City blackout of 1977. Further, it discuss how the term “hip hop” itself became adopted as the name for the scene, something that, surprisingly, previous historians of hip hop have ignored.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Söderman

Social activism and education have been associated with hip-hop since it emerged in New York City 38 years ago. Therefore, it might not be surprising that universities have become interested in hip-hop. This article aims to highlight this ‘hip-hop academisation’ and analyse the discursive mechanisms that manifest in these academisation processes. The guiding research question explores how hip-hop scholars talk about this academisation. The theoretical framework is informed by the scholarship of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Hip-hop scholars were interviewed in New York City during 2010. The results demonstrate themes of hip-hop as an attractive label, a door opener, a form of ‘low-culture’, a trap and an educational tool.


2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Holly Boyer

Hip hop is a ubiquitous part of American society in 2015—from Kanye West announcing his future presidential bid to discussions of feminism surrounding Nikki Minaj’s anatomy, to Kendrick Lamar’s concert with the National Symphony Orchestra, to Questlove leading the Tonight Show Band, hip hop has exerted its influence on American culture in every way and form.Hip hop’s origin in the early 1970s in the South Bronx of New York City is most often attributed to DJ Kool Herc and his desire to entertain at a party. In the 1980s, hip hop continued to gain popularity and speak about social issues faced by young African Americans. This started to change in the 1990s with the mainstream success of gangsta rap, where drugs, violence, and misogyny became more prominent, although artists who focused on social issues continued to create. The 2000s saw rap and hip hop cross genre boundaries, and innovative and alternative hip hop grew in popularity.


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