The United Nations, Peacekeepers, and Accountability

Author(s):  
Muna Ndulo

The 2016 reports of sexual abuse by United Nations peacekeepers in the Central African Republic and the 2015 Haiti cholera epidemic brought renewed attention to the debate on the accountability of the United Nations for wrongs committed or damages caused by peacekeepers against civilian populations in host countries. In domestic jurisdictions, victims of wrongs enforce accountability or seek redress for wrongs or injuries committed against them through the courts. Yet, the doctrine of immunity precludes any legal actions against the United Nations and its officials in domestic courts. They enjoy immunities and privileges under the laws of member states from every form of legal process except insofar as the United Nations has in any particular case expressly waived its immunity. Given the doctrine of immunity, the chapter addresses how accountability can be promoted through policies and measures that ensure that there is no impunity for wrongs committed against civilians and communities by United Nations officials.

2021 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-330
Author(s):  
Sandra Egelström

AbstractSince its establishment in 1945, the United Nations has grown to become a powerful intergovernmental body enjoying respect and legitimacy among a large part of the international community. Unfortunately, since the 1990s there have been recurrent problems with the organization’s peacekeeping forces being accused of sexual violence against the very people they are supposed to protect. In this article, the UN’s management of events in the Central African Republic (CAR) in 2014 and its inability to put an end to the sexual assaults committed by its representatives have been used to explore whether the organization could be accused of a state crime – under the presumption that the UN can be equated with a state. To do this, the definition of state crime and the complicity continuum developed by Kauzlarich, Mullins and Matthews (2003) are used to evaluate the UN’s actions in relation to the events in the CAR. The responsibilities of the UN in situations like the one in the CAR are examined and discussed.AbstractFörenta nationerna har sedan starten 1945 utvecklats till en mäktig mellanstatlig organisation som åtnjuter respekt och legitimitet från majoriteten av det internationella samfundet. Dessvärre har det, sedan 1990-talet, vid upprepade tillfällen uppdagats att organisationens fredsbevarande styrkor anklagats för sexuellt våld mot just de grupper som de är satta att beskydda. I denna artikel användes organisationens hantering av händelserna i Centralafrikanska republiken (CAR) under 2014, samt dess oförmåga att stoppa sexuella övergrepp utförda av dess företrädare, för att undersöka om FN kunde anklagas för en statligt brott, under förutsättning att organisationen kan likställas med en stat. För detta användes Kauzlarich, Mullins och Matthews (2003) definition av statlig brottslighet, samt det complicity continuum som de utvecklat, för att utvärdera FN:s åtgärder under händelserna i CAR. FN:s ansvar i situationer som det i CAR problematiseras och diskuteras.


Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.


Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd

This chapter outlines the motivation for undertaking the research presented here, and offers an account of the contexts for the peacebuilding-related activities in which the United Nations is involved: Burundi; Central African Republic; Guinea; Guinea-Bissau; Liberia; and Sierra Leone. The research design is explained, with an overview provided of both the theoretical framework supporting the research and the methodological approach taken. The methodology is a form of discourse analysis engaging both documentary and transcribed interview texts, and this chapter explains how the author uses the concepts of gender and space to structure the analysis in the rest of the book. The chapter also presents an analysis of the literature on peacebuilding to which the author seeks to make a contribution with this research.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6382
Author(s):  
Harald Heinrichs ◽  
Norman Laws

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, with its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), was agreed upon by 193 member states of the United Nations in September 2015 [...]


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-360

The primary difficulty in the current question of the representation of Member States in die United Nations is that this question of representation has been linked up with the question of recognition by Member Governments.It will be shown here that this linkage is unfortunate from the practical standpoint, and wrong from the standpoint of legal theory.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Dennis

The fifty-sixth session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights took place in Geneva from March 20 to April 28,2000, under the chairmanship of Ambassador Shambhu Ram Simkhada of Nepal. The delegations of fifty-three member states and ninety-one observer states werejoined by 1760 representatives of 224 nongovernmental organizations. The Commission ultimately adopted one hundred resolutions and decisions, three-fourths of them by consensus.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 682-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Genina

On September 19th, 2016, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted Resolution 71/1, the text of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (the “New York Declaration”). Resolution 71/1 is the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants, held at the UN headquarters. The New York Declaration reflects how UN member states have decided to address the challenge of large movements of people in two main legal categories: asylum seekers/refugees and migrants. Resolution 71/1 includes an annex titled “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration” (the “global compact for migration” or “global compact”). This document is comprised of several thematic issues related to international migration that will be the basis of a globally negotiated agreement on how member states should respond to international migration at the national, regional, and international levels, as well as to issues related to international migration and development. The global compact for migration is intended to be adopted at a conference on international migration and development before the inauguration of the 73rd annual session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. This paper addresses how UN member states should plan to address international migration in the future. It does not refer to refugees and asylum seekers: a global compact on refugees will be drafted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2018, and to be presented to the UN General Assembly for states' consideration during its 73rd annual session, which starts in September 2018.1 For those who have been involved in migration issues within the United Nations, the fact that member states have finally agreed to convene an international conference on international migration represents a major achievement. It is the result of an extended process that started decades ago and was made possible by a long chain of efforts by many state delegations and other stakeholders. The global compact for migration will not be the first outcome document dealing exclusively with international migration. A declaration2 adopted at a high-level meeting at the United Nations in October 2013, for example, paved the way for the 2018 conference. Nonetheless, the global compact represents a unique opportunity to address international migration comprehensively and humanely. This paper contributes to the discussion on the elements that should be included in the global compact for migration. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section analyzes the main elements of Annex II, “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration,” and the criteria that needs to be adopted in order to achieve a substantive outcome. In particular, participants in the negotiation process should aim to balance the concerns of states and the members of host societies, on one hand, with the needs and rights of migrants, on the other. The second section includes proposals to enrich the final global compact for migration and takes into account two documents written by two different actors within the UN system, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Migration, and the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. In particular, the paper proposes that the global compact for migration: • sets forth principles that can inform the actions of governments in relation to international migration at all levels; • enunciates a clearer definition of state protection responsibilities in relation to migrants in crisis situations and so-called “mixed flows”3; affords a substantive role to civil society organizations, the private sector, and academic institutions in the global compact's follow-up and review process; • defines the institutional framework for the implementation and follow-up of the global compact within the United Nations, including through the work of the UN High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF); • establishes a mechanism to fund migration policies for states that lack enough resources to invest sufficiently in this task; and • builds a cooperation-oriented, peer-review mechanism to review migration policies. The paper has been conceived as an input for those who will take part in the negotiation of the global compact for migration, as well as those who will closely follow those negotiations. Thus, the paper assumes a level of knowledge on how international migration has been addressed within the United Nations during the last several years and of the complexities of these negotiation processes. The author took part in different UN negotiation processes on international migration from 2004 to 2013. The paper is primarily based on this experience.4


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 458-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingvild Bode ◽  
John Karlsrud

Since the failures of the United Nations of the early 1990s, the protection of civilians has evolved as a new norm for United Nations peacekeeping operations. However, a 2014 United Nations report found that while peacekeeping mandates often include the use of force to protect civilians, this has routinely been avoided by member states. What can account for this gap between the apparently solid normative foundations of the protection of civilians and the wide variation in implementation? This article approaches the question by highlighting normative ambiguity as a fundamental feature of international norms. Thereby, we consider implementation as a political, dynamic process where the diverging understandings that member states hold with regard to the protection of civilians norm manifest and emerge. We visualize this process in combining a critical-constructivist approach to norms with practice theories. Focusing on the practices of member states’ military advisers at the United Nations headquarters in New York, and their positions on how the protection of civilians should be implemented on the ground, we draw attention to their agency in norm implementation at an international site. Military advisers provide links between national ministries and contingents in the field, while also competing for being recognized as competent performers of appropriate implementation practices. Drawing on an interpretivist analysis of data generated through an online survey, a half-day workshop and interviews with selected delegations, the article adds to the understanding of norms in international relations while also providing empirical insights into peacekeeping effectiveness.


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-236 ◽  

The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) held its eleventh General Conference in Paris from November 14 to December 15, 1960, under the presidency of Mr. Akale-Work Abte-Wold (Ethiopia). Ninety-eight member states of UNESCO participated in the Conference compared with the 75 that were members in 1958 at the time of the tenth General Conference. The General Conference approved the program of activities for 1961–1962 and unanimously voted a budget of $32,513,228 to finance it; to this amount was added over $12 million provided by the United Nations Technical Assistance Fund to enable UNESCO to carry out many additional educational and scientific projects. UNESCO was also to act as executing agency for seventeen projects concerning higher technical education, for which the UN Special Fund was to provide more than $11 million in 1961–1962. Also allocated by the Conference was $915,000 for the construction of an additional building in Paris, the total cost of which was to be $3,535,000.


1970 ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

The moment the United Nations declared 1990 as International Literacy Year, the international literacy movement began to consider how the year could strenghten the movement in every corner of the world. The U.N. plan of action is to "help member states in all regions to eradicate illiteracy by the year 2000".


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