Contemporary Continental Political Thought

Author(s):  
Stephen K. White

“Continental philosophy” is generally understood as a contrast term for “Anglo-American analytic philosophy.” On its face, we seem to have a distinction rooted in geography, the continent in question being Europe. What is the relationship between Continental philosophy and Continental political philosophy—more frequently called Continental political thought (CPT)? There is the common postulation that modern Western social life, despite its many achievements, carries within it a certain “malignancy.” A tool frequently used by CPT is a skepticism of Enlightenment universalism in relation to ethical and political life. Given CPT's postulation of some sort of malignancy in modern Western society, it is hardly surprising that there is usually also sustained attention given to the possibility of some transformation that will overcome or at least combat more effectively the danger or harm that malignancy carries with it.

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-44
Author(s):  
Giovanni Aditya Arum

In principle justice touches the human nature as social animal. The discourse of justice has become an important theme in social and political philosophy all the times. St. Thomas Aquinas is one of the philosophers who pays much attention on this theme. In Summa Theologiae, he spent a lot of pages to explain justice as one of the cardinal virtues. Inspired by Aristotle, he defined justice as “a habit whereby a man renders to each one his due by a constant and perpetual will.” This essay wants to explain the discourse of justice according to St. Thomas Aquinas and to compare it with the concept of justice in fifth principle of Pancasila. The writter uses the relevancy study to get the convergency idea between two different ideas of justice. This essay will explore both concept of justice by St. Thomas Aquinas and Pancasila perspective. There are at least some convergency ideas between those two. But the pressure point is the concept of bonum commune. Pancasila as the Philosophische Grondslag of Indonesia as like as St. Thomas Aquinas’ idea of justice emphasizes the common good (bonum commune) as the very end of Indonesia nation. Reflecting on these convergency ideas, we can find some relevant discourses concerning justice in socio-political life of Indonesian people, i.e: law, politic, and religion.  In the end of this essay, the writer gives a critical thought to the tendency of the liberalism pathology in social life


1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 235-260
Author(s):  
Geneviève Nootens

Asserting the relationship between liberalism and nationalism is no easy matter. Liberal philosophers have been very suspicious of the phenomenon of nationalism, partly for historical reasons (e.g., national socialism) and partly for philosophical ones (amongst which a belief that liberal principles would override people's need for identification with ethnocultural communities). But even if some still consider the expression ‘liberal nationalism’ to be an oxymoron, most of current Anglo-American liberal work on the subject leans toward a more nuanced approach, trying to specify how hospitable liberalism should be to nationalistic claims. The challenge, from this point of view, is to explain why and how political philosophy can incorporate national attachments to amoralargument on people's identity and distributive justice. In fact, it seems that nationalist rhetoric has found in identity politics a rather safe (even if narrow) way of entering liberal discourse.


Kant-Studien ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Horn

Abstract:Kant’s political philosophy confronts its interpreters with a crucial difficulty: it is far from clear if (or how) Kant, in his political theory, makes use of the Categorical Imperative (CI). It is notoriously demanding to clarify the relationship that exists between his political thought on the one hand and the ethics of the


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-250
Author(s):  
Charles Butterworth

This is a "work in progress" presentation based on mearch I am nowconducting about the development of Islamic political philosophy duringthe classical period of Islam. My contention is that a better understandingof that tradition puts the current debate about Islamic fundamentalism orresurgence into a new perspective. Behind the sensational, popular demandsfor greater adherence to the strictures of the revealed law of Islamlies an issue of fundamental importance: how divine revelation is to beunderstd and interpreted for political guidance. Those who developedIslamic political philosophy spoke directly to this issue and did so in amanner that merits the attention of contemporary Muslim activists, scholarsinterested in Islam, and thoughtful human beings in general. Theythought clearly about the relationship between religious belief andpolitical practice because they addressed the issue ditectly and withoutpreconceptions. Consequently, whatever our religious and cultural origins,we can benefit greatly from their teaching.One of my goals is to refocus current social science scholarship whileengaging Muslim scholars in debate on topics they deem urgent. Lately,there have been many, perhaps too many, reports and prognostics concerningthe success of resurgent Islam as well as the challenges it posesto Middle Eastern and western regimes. Such studies invariably talkabout, rather than with, those calling for greater attention to Islamic preceptsand practices; they presuppose and reinforce an attitude of "us" and"our valued' vetSUS "them" and "their values." Such a posture not onlyfosters antagonism and misunderstanding, it also ignores the way Muslimsare now addressing this complex phenomenon.Indeed, for almost a decade, Muslims trained in the West have beeninvestigating how western learning, especially the social sciences, illuminatestraditional Islamic sciences and vice versa. This task addresses, atthe highest level, the issue behind the call for application of the Shari'ahand offers the best Contemporary possibility of achieving some kind ofintercultural understanding. It offers those interested in western and Islamicculture a unique opportunity to delve mare deeply into another cultureand thereby understand the other and their own culture better.Another goal is to investigate how philosophers within the classicalperiod of Islam understood revelation and its outward manifestationprophecy-to influence political life. While mast scholars recognize the ...


Author(s):  
Loubna El Amine

This chapter examines the relationship between ruler and ruled that Confucians advocated for the new territorial states. It argues against two common interpretations of this relationship: the virtue-centered view that presents Confucian government as aiming at the inculcation of virtue in the citizenry, and the (proto-)democratic view that highlights the people's role in the choice and removal of the ruler. Rather, the underlying motif of Confucian political thought is a concern with political order and that this order is produced, in its basic level, by forging a complementary relation between the ruler and the common people. The chapter also distinguishes between kings and hegemons, arguing that hegemons are somewhat accepted by the early Confucians since they are successful at establishing a minimal level of order.


Author(s):  
Christian P. Haines

A Desire Called America examines the relationship between American exceptionalism and U.S. literature. It focuses on how literary works by Walt Whitman, Emily Dickinson, William S. Burroughs, and Thomas Pynchon draw on the utopian energies of American exceptionalism only to overturn exceptionalism’s investments in capitalism and the nation-state. The book analyzes what it terms the excluded middle between American exceptionalism and its critique, or the conceptual and libidinal space in which critique and complicity mutually determine one another. The book also offers a theory of the relationship between biopolitics and utopia, arguing that in the context of American literature, bodies become figures for alternative forms of social life. It pays particular attention to how these figures contribute to a literary commons, or the imagination of non-capitalist forms of cooperation and non-sovereign forms of democratic self-governance. In doing so, it articulates a model of literary history linking nineteenth-century literature to contemporary literature by way of the rise and decline of American hegemony. The book draws on and contributes to the fields of American Studies, American literary history, Marxist criticism, queer theory, political theory, continental philosophy, and utopian studies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110020
Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

This reply to my five generous and insightful critics – Gianna Englert, David Williams, Alexandra Oprea, Geneviève Rousslière, and Brandon Turner – focuses on three key issues they raise: the relationship of past ideas to present politics, the utility of ideological labels in the history of political thought, and the relationship of political philosophy to religion and theology.


Etyka ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Artur Rodziewicz

Tyranny is a phenomenon following in the footsteps of politics and contemporary political thought. The aim of this article is an attempt to bring out and – on the basis of Plato’s texts – show the fundamental relationship between tyranny and politeia, which should make a philosopher interested in the foundation of tyranny. The relationship, or better – dependence – is based on the conception that, in my opinion, is fundamental for Platonic philosophy which combines ontological and political investigations that one could call ‘opposition’s transformations’ whose extreme points are the philosopher and the tyrant. They represent two different attitudes towards politics. The article is accompanied by the belief that one cannot practice classical political philosophy, that is a quest for a perfect political system, without incessant dwelling on tyranny. For tyranny is an area where politics comes into being.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Shaw

Political life in Renaissance Italy was held together by political principles which underlay, or were used to justify, political proposals and decisions in practice. This wide-ranging comparative survey examines these political principles, as expressed in sources such as council debates, preambles to legislation and official correspondence, in the mid-fifteenth to the mid-sixteenth century Italy. Focusing especially on the five republics - Florence, Venice, Genoa, Siena and Lucca - the book also considers princes and signori, and the principles underlying relations between states, particularly relations between major and minor powers. Many of the ideas articulated by those confronting practical political problems ranged beyond the questions dealt with in formal treatises of political thought and philosophy. Drawing on extensive archival research, Christine Shaw explores the relationship between 'reason and experience' in the conduct of political affairs in Renaissance Italy, and the gap between theory and practice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 15-62
Author(s):  
Michael C. Hawley

This chapter explores Cicero’s republican political philosophy. It argues that Cicero’s political thought has two fundamental principles. First, Cicero argues that there are universally applicable moral duties—the natural law—that are binding on everyone always. These principles have their basis in humans’ nature as rational beings. Second, he argues that a legitimate regime will recognize the people as the ultimate source of authority. No political regime can be just without resting on this basis. But these two principles threaten to come into conflict whenever the people’s will contradicts natural law. The chapter examines Cicero’s attempt to mediate this conflict. It also explores Cicero’s conceptions of liberty, justice, property, and empire, all of which emerge out of the relationship between the claims of natural law and popular sovereignty.


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