scholarly journals Tyrania - matka polityki

Etyka ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Artur Rodziewicz

Tyranny is a phenomenon following in the footsteps of politics and contemporary political thought. The aim of this article is an attempt to bring out and – on the basis of Plato’s texts – show the fundamental relationship between tyranny and politeia, which should make a philosopher interested in the foundation of tyranny. The relationship, or better – dependence – is based on the conception that, in my opinion, is fundamental for Platonic philosophy which combines ontological and political investigations that one could call ‘opposition’s transformations’ whose extreme points are the philosopher and the tyrant. They represent two different attitudes towards politics. The article is accompanied by the belief that one cannot practice classical political philosophy, that is a quest for a perfect political system, without incessant dwelling on tyranny. For tyranny is an area where politics comes into being.

Kant-Studien ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Horn

Abstract:Kant’s political philosophy confronts its interpreters with a crucial difficulty: it is far from clear if (or how) Kant, in his political theory, makes use of the Categorical Imperative (CI). It is notoriously demanding to clarify the relationship that exists between his political thought on the one hand and the ethics of the


2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110020
Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

This reply to my five generous and insightful critics – Gianna Englert, David Williams, Alexandra Oprea, Geneviève Rousslière, and Brandon Turner – focuses on three key issues they raise: the relationship of past ideas to present politics, the utility of ideological labels in the history of political thought, and the relationship of political philosophy to religion and theology.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

<p class="IIABSBARU">One discourse that continues to be discussed in the realm of Islamic political philosophy is about the relation between religion and state. Broadly speaking, there are at least three paradigms of thinking about the relationship between religion and state. <em>First</em>, sekularistik paradigm, which says that Islam has nothing to do with the state, because Islam does not regulate state life or reign. <em>Second</em>, formalistic paradigm, which assumes that Islam is a complete religion, which includes everything, including the question of the state or a political system. <em>Third</em>, paradigms substansialistik, which rejects the notion that Islam covers everything and also rejects the notion that Islam is only governs the relationship between man and his Creator alone. This article will take pictures of how the three views of this paradigm by showing some of the characters are representative and critically using the comparative method.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Salah satu wacana yang terus diperbincangkan dalam ranah filsafat politik Islam adalah mengenai relasi antara agama dan negara. Secara garis besar paling tidak ada tiga paradigma pemikiran tentang hubungan agama dan negara. <em>Pertama</em>, paradigma sekularistik, yang mengatakan bahwa Islam tidak ada hubungannya dengan negara, karena Islam tidak mengatur kehidupan bernegara atau pemerintahan. <em>Kedua</em>, paradigma formalistik, yang menganggap bahwa Islam adalah agama yang paripurna, yang mencakup segala-galanya, termasuk masalah negara atau sistem politik. <em>Ketiga</em>, paradigma substansialistik, yang menolak pendapat bahwa Islam mencakup segala-galanya dan juga menolak pandangan bahwa Islam hanya mengatur hubungan antara manusia dan Penciptanya semata. Artikel ini akan memotret bagaimana pandangan ketiga paradigma tersebut dengan menampilkan beberapa tokohnya yang representatif dan dengan meng­gunakan metode kritis komparatif.


2021 ◽  
pp. 15-62
Author(s):  
Michael C. Hawley

This chapter explores Cicero’s republican political philosophy. It argues that Cicero’s political thought has two fundamental principles. First, Cicero argues that there are universally applicable moral duties—the natural law—that are binding on everyone always. These principles have their basis in humans’ nature as rational beings. Second, he argues that a legitimate regime will recognize the people as the ultimate source of authority. No political regime can be just without resting on this basis. But these two principles threaten to come into conflict whenever the people’s will contradicts natural law. The chapter examines Cicero’s attempt to mediate this conflict. It also explores Cicero’s conceptions of liberty, justice, property, and empire, all of which emerge out of the relationship between the claims of natural law and popular sovereignty.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 344-367
Author(s):  
Saoki Saoki

Abstract: This article discusses M. Natsir’s and Abdurrahman Wahid’s thought about the relationship between Islam and state. Both of M. Natsir and Abdurrahman Wahid agree that the most realistic system to be applied in Indonesia is a democratic system. They also agree that there is no a rigid political system in Islam as it has existed today. In addition, Islam provides the basic principles of the nation and state namely deliberation, justice, equality, freedom, and togetherness. The fundamental difference between M. Natsir’s  and Gus Dur’s thought in viewing the relationship between Islam and state is  about the two things: first, their respond to secularism, which tries to separate between religion and state; and second, their political thought in addressing democracy and the Pancasila ideology as the fundamental principles of Indonesia.Keywords: Islam, state, M. Natsir, Abdurrahman Wahid.


Author(s):  
Stephen K. White

“Continental philosophy” is generally understood as a contrast term for “Anglo-American analytic philosophy.” On its face, we seem to have a distinction rooted in geography, the continent in question being Europe. What is the relationship between Continental philosophy and Continental political philosophy—more frequently called Continental political thought (CPT)? There is the common postulation that modern Western social life, despite its many achievements, carries within it a certain “malignancy.” A tool frequently used by CPT is a skepticism of Enlightenment universalism in relation to ethical and political life. Given CPT's postulation of some sort of malignancy in modern Western society, it is hardly surprising that there is usually also sustained attention given to the possibility of some transformation that will overcome or at least combat more effectively the danger or harm that malignancy carries with it.


2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan K. Balot

Abstract After discussing the relationship of courage to justice in modern and ancient political thought, this paper explores the debate between Athenian democratic orators and Plato on the subject of andreia, or “manly courage.” While the orators set andreia in a particular relation to justice by embedding andreia within a salvific narrative of the city's history, Plato used the figure of Callicles to draw attention to the democrats' self-serving construal of andreia within their own politics. Plato's arguments suggest that statecraft must begin with a deeper “soulcraft” than Athenian politics is capable of.


2006 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Kersting

O autor apresenta aborda, primeiramente, a relação entre poder e razão no pensamento político de Maquiavel. Num segundo momento, apresenta, no pensamento de Hobbes, a trajetória que se estende da razão impotente do estado de natureza até à razão poderosa do Estado, dispensador de segurança. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Maquiavel. Hobbes. Poder. Razão. ABSTRACT The author analyses in a first moment the relationship between power and reason in the political thought of Machiavelli. In a second moment, he exposes, according to Hobbes’s political philosophy, the path to be gone through from the powerless reason of the state of nature towards the powerful reason of the State, which grants security. KEY WORDS – Machiavelli. Hobbes. Power. Reason.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.


Author(s):  
David Estlund

Throughout the history of political philosophy and politics, there has been continual debate about the roles of idealism versus realism. For contemporary political philosophy, this debate manifests in notions of ideal theory versus nonideal theory. Nonideal thinkers shift their focus from theorizing about full social justice, asking instead which feasible institutional and political changes would make a society more just. Ideal thinkers, on the other hand, question whether full justice is a standard that any society is likely ever to satisfy. And, if social justice is unrealistic, are attempts to understand it without value or importance, and merely utopian? This book argues against thinking that justice must be realistic, or that understanding justice is only valuable if it can be realized. The book does not offer a particular theory of justice, nor does it assert that justice is indeed unrealizable—only that it could be, and this possibility upsets common ways of proceeding in political thought. The book's author engages critically with important strands in traditional and contemporary political philosophy that assume a sound theory of justice has the overriding, defining task of contributing practical guidance toward greater social justice. Along the way, it counters several tempting perspectives, including the view that inquiry in political philosophy could have significant value only as a guide to practical political action, and that understanding true justice would necessarily have practical value, at least as an ideal arrangement to be approximated. Demonstrating that unrealistic standards of justice can be both sound and valuable to understand, the book stands as a trenchant defense of ideal theory in political philosophy.


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