Funerary practices

Author(s):  
Patrice Brun

This chapter surveys burial practices across Iron Age Europe, working outwards from the Circum-Alpine zone. During this period, only a fraction of the population was formally buried, in varying proportions over time and space. These were generally members of the political, economic, and religious elite, as is most clear in the case of richly furnished and monumental graves. Among communities of equivalent political complexity, however, some practised more modest burial, lacking clear status differentiation in their graves. Funerary practices carry ideological messages about how communities wish to appear, symbolically materializing the relations of the social group with the land on which they live and perpetuating the memory of certain people in the consciousness of the survivors. The social significance of Iron Age mortuary practices is examined: detailed analysis of differences between graves and cemeteries provides a wealth of information ranging from individual social relationships to economic and political organization.

Man ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Thomas

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Maria Aparecida da Silva Oliveira

Este artigo apresenta algumas considerações sobre a importância do estudo das práticas funerárias na arqueologia, com ênfase, ao final, na questão do cemitério como patrimônio. Os problemas de pesquisa relacionados com a arqueologia das práticas funerárias se esbarram com a arqueologia social dos remanescentes funerários, a bioarqueologia social, os estudos mortuários e a arqueologia da morte. Muito aquém dessas pesquisas, no Brasil, os sítios de interesse para esta área de pesquisa foram identificados na legislação federal como existentes, carecendo de demandas significativas de atividades científicas relacionadas às áreas e temas dos estudos mortuários. FUNERARY PRACTICES IN ARCHAEOLOGY: Pluralities and Heritage ABSTRACTThis paper presents some considerations on the importance of the study of burial practices in archaeology, with emphasis, in the end, the question of the cemetery as equity. The research problems related to the archaeology of the funerary practices to collide with the social archaeology of funerary remains, social bioarchaeology, the mortuary studies and archaeology of death. Far short of these surveys in Brazil, sites of interest to this area of research were identified in federal law as existing, lacking significant demands of scientific activities related to the areas and issues of mortuary studies.Keywords: Funerary practices; burial terminology; mortuary studies; archaeological heritage


2001 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn H. Gamble ◽  
Phillip L. Walker ◽  
Glenn S. Russell

Although most archaeologists recognize that valuable information about the social lives of ancient people can be obtained through the study of burial practices, it is clear that the symbolic nature of burial rituals makes interpreting their social significance a hazardous enterprise. These analytical difficulties can be greatly reduced using a research strategy that draws upon the strengths of a broad range of conceptually and methodologically independent data sources. We illustrate this approach by using archaeological data from cemeteries at Malibu, California, to explore an issue over which researchers are sharply divided: when did the simple chiefdoms of the Chumash Indians first appear in the Santa Barbara Channel area? First we establish the social correlates of Chumash burial practices through the comparison of historic-period cemetery data, ethnohistoric records, and ethnographic accounts. The resulting understanding of mortuary symbolism is then used to generate hypotheses about the social significance of prehistoric-period Malibu burial patterns. Finally, bioarchaeological data on genetic relationships, health status, and activity are used to independently test artifact-based hypotheses about prehistoric Chumash social organization. Together, these independent data sources constitute strong evidence for the existence of a ranked society with a hereditary elite during the late Middle period in the Santa Barbara Channel area.


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 23-62
Author(s):  
Alin Henț ◽  

The aim of this paper is to make a critical evaluation of the Romanian historiography from 1948–1989 which had as a subject of study the social history of the northern Balkan communities in the Late Iron Age period. The two years that I have chosen have both a symbolical and a chronological value. The year 1948 marks the beginning of an extensive and radical process of political, economic, social, and cultural changes, while the year 1989 symbolizes the fall of the Romanian “communist” regime. I propose a contextual analysis, which takes into account the evolution of the “communist” regime, as well as some key events that shaped the discourse. Through this evaluation, I want to intervene in the symbolic struggles that had as a final stake the Late Iron Age archaeology from Romania. Without claiming an objective analysis, I want to offer an alternative to the distorted portrayals which had existed so far. Although labelled as a “Communist” or “Marxist” historiography, it never strayed too far from the nationalist ideology, creating massive distortions along its way. In almost 50 years, the Romanian Late Iron Age historiography has gone from a formal and superficial application of Marxist theories, to a relative liberalization, and finally returned to an almost right‑wing discourse over the Dacian past. Moreover, I will show, in contrast to the classical post‑Communist view that the Late Iron Age archaeology in Romania was in touch, at least at some point, to the contemporary historiographical debates.


Author(s):  
Dennis Harding

Evaluating the contribution that a study of ethnographic models can make to an understanding of the role of hillforts in Iron Age society is as fraught with difficulties as is a critical assessment of documentary sources. Divorced in space and time from the Iron Age in Britain and north-western Europe, there can plainly be no direct cultural association or expectation that the social, political, economic, or belief systems that governed behaviour were necessarily comparable. Nevertheless, the basic requirements of providing food, shelter from the environment, and protection from hostile threat are universal, and communities widely separated in time and space may respond independently to similar situations in ways that may potentially illuminate the archaeological issues under review. As with experimental archaeology, we cannot say as a result of studying ethnographic analogies, that Iron Age communities in Britain built hillforts for such-and-such purposes or in the process believed this or that; only that these possibilities might be examined as potentially satisfying the available evidence. When it comes to social reconstruction, it may be possible to identify broad categories of social structures in which patterns of behaviour are recurrent, and more tentatively the same might be inferred for cognitive systems. The fact that we may never know what Iron Age communities believed is no reason for failing to address the question, which is not the same as simply asserting what they believed without presenting evidence or due qualification. Modern or early modern ethnographic models suffer from the inevitable disadvantage that they derive from contact between the native communities and European colonists. In consequence there is the probability that, as with Roman records of contacts with Gaulish or British Iron Age communities, native behaviour will in some measure have adapted to the alien cultural presence. This would apply even if the nature of contact were peaceable exploration, commercial, or evangelical, since the introduction of new technology and novel goods and practices would inevitably impact on local conventions. In the context of any defensive sites or protected settlements, the introduction of firearms plainly will have transformed any established convention of warfare that pertained in the pre-colonial era. Establishing the native tradition from earlier periods is not an easy or wholly reliable exercise, especially given that practices may have changed significantly if slowly over generations.


Urban life as we know it in the Mediterranean began in the early Iron Age: settlements of great size and internal diversity appear in the archaeological record. This collection of essays offers a systematic discussion of the beginnings of urbanization across the Mediterranean, from Cyprus, through Greece and Italy, to France and Spain. Scholars in the field look critically at what is meant by urbanization, and analyse the social processes that lead to the development of social complexity and the growth of towns. The introduction to the book focuses on the history of the archaeology of urbanization and argues that proper understanding of the phenomenon demands loose and flexible criteria for what is termed a ‘town’. The following eight chapters examine the development of individual settlements and patterns of urban settlement in Cyprus, Greece, Etruria, Latium, southern Italy, Sardinia, southern France, and Spain. These chapters not only provide a general review of current knowledge of urban settlements of this period, but also raise significant issues of urbanization and the economy, urbanization and political organization, and of the degree of regionalism and diversity to be found within individual towns. The three analytical chapters which conclude this collection look more broadly at the town as a cultural phenomenon that has to be related to wider cultural trends, as an economic phenomenon that has to be related to changes in the Mediterranean economy, and as a dynamic phenomenon, not merely a point on the map.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Nadya H. Prociuk

Iron Age saunas, unique to the Castro Culture of northwestern Iberia, have puzzled archaeologists since the nineteenth century. Initially interpreted as kilns, crematoriums, or ovens, their function has since been established as bathing structures; however, the social significance of these saunas has yet to be firmly established. This study provides a new approach to understanding the ways in which Castro communities utilized specialized buildings to serve specific needs related to ritual cleansing and protection. Through an analysis of their placement, structure and decoration, I argue that these buildings functioned to purify and protect people of Castro communities from spiritual and physical danger. Members of Castro society inhabited a world buffeted by the shifting political and economic powers of the Iron Age. The bath structures under study, covered in apotropaic symbols, functioned in liminal spaces to cleanse and prepare Castro people for the dangers that awaited them beyond the walls of their communities and neutralized any potential spiritual contamination they may have acquired upon their return.


Author(s):  
Biba Teržan ◽  
Raffaele de Marinis

This chapter considers Iron Age cultural developments around the head of the Adriatic, from north-west Italy to the western Balkans and Carpathian basin. The chronological focus is from the end of the Bronze Age to the mid-first millennium BC; after 400 BC, much of this zone first became part of the La Tène sphere and was then drawn progressively into the Roman orbit, although the Alps and Trandanubia were not incorporated until the change of era. A regional approach is taken. The different cultural groupings are reviewed in turn, drawing especially on the abundant burial data and settlement evidence. Other topics include language and the early spread of writing, the social significance of the Camonica valley rock art, Greek and Etruscan influence on indigenous peoples, situla art, and new work on the rich tumulus cemeteries belonging to the eastern Hallstatt sphere.


1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-28
Author(s):  
Bryan Roberts

The social characteristics and social relationships of urban families vary with different types of cities. Differences in economic structure, in stage of urban development, in housing patterns, and in administrative forms condition the social characteristics of urban dwellers and the relationships they develop amongst themselves. The social significance of poverty is likely also to vary with these differences in urban structure, although there has been little attempt in the extensive literature on urban poverty to differentiate conditions under contrasting urban structures. It is the purpose of this paper to examine the political organization of poor people under a particular type of urban structure which I shall label "informal." The aim is to contribute both to the discussion of the direct consequences of poverty for social behavior and to the identification of those variables in urban organization that interact with poverty to influence behavior.


2004 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H. Isbell

AbstractMortuary practices reveal a great deal about the social organization of prehistoric cultures and their landscape of places. However, tombs are favored targets for looters, making it difficult to determine original burial practices. Very little was known about Wari burial during the Middle Horizon (A.D. 500–1000), even though Wari was an imperial, early Bronze Age culture with a spectacular urban capital in highland Peru. Excavations at the secondary Wari city of Conchopata produced remains of more than 200 individuals, from disturbed and undisturbed contexts. These burials as well as information from other sites permit an initial description of ideal patterns of Wari mortuary behavior. The forms abstracted reveal graves ranging from poor and ordinary citizens to royal potentates, supporting inferences of hierarchical political organization. It is also clear that the living accessed graves of important people frequently, implying some form of ancestor worship. However, unlike the later Inkas, Wari ancestors were venerated in their tombs, located deep within residential compounds and palaces.


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