Between distribution and allocation: growth models, sectoral coalitions and the politics of taxation revisited

Author(s):  
Lukas Haffert ◽  
Daniel Mertens

AbstractComparative political economists typically analyze taxation as a matter of distribution. This article, by contrast, develops an allocational explanation of tax policy choices: as taxes channel resources into some economic activities and restrain others, they become subject to the allocational concerns of different sectors of the economy. We argue that sectoral coalitions straddling the class divide substantially influence the development of tax systems, and that the power of these coalitions is associated with differences in growth models. Employing a mixed methods approach, we first demonstrate a systematic association between growth models and consumption taxation across advanced capitalist countries. Afterward, we study the German value-added tax increase in 2005 to illustrate the political dynamics behind this result. In this debate, an export sector coalition prevailed over a domestic sector coalition that strongly opposed the reform. We conclude by discussing the wider implications for the study of taxation and comparative capitalism.

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadine Frei ◽  
Oliver Nachtwey

The present study was guided by two research-guiding questions: a) What are the special characteristics of the Querdenken movement in Baden-Württemberg? b) Why is the Querdenken movement so strongly rooted in Baden-Württemberg? An explorative mixed-methods approach was chosen for our research. By means of qualitative interviews with Corona critics, analyses of field experts, ethnographic observations, and a secondary analysis of our quantitative survey in Telegram groups, we drew conclusions and tentative analyses about the Querdenken movement in the political map of Baden-Württemberg.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elitsa Alexander ◽  
Martin J. Eppler ◽  
Sabrina Bresciani

In this article, we propose an innovative mixed methods research (MMR) technique and discuss its theory and applications. The visual replay methodology (VRM) is a new graphic way to investigate the discourse patterns during software-aided small group discussions. A visually supported conversation is recorded through screen capturing and replayed to reconstruct how the discussion has unfolded. The VRM responds to the “integration challenge” that the MMR community is facing—by employing the power of visualization, data integration is leveraged to a new level, where visual synergy gains enable a “value-added” research outcome. By employing multigenre integration and a moderately pragmatic approach, the VRM reduces the researcher–subject power-relation gap and contributes to some long-standing MMR debates regarding reflexivity and participation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Bonnie N. Field

Abstract This study examines whether the sex of the selector matters for advancing women's inclusion in politics and how the political context shapes selectors’ preferences and behaviour. It focuses on an under-researched area – the political appointments ministers make in their ministerial departments – and thus sheds light on the conditions under which women access appointed office. It analyses six governments in Spain between 1996 and 2018, using a mixed methods approach that includes statistical analyses of political appointments and interviews with former ministers. It finds that women ministers, as individuals, did not appoint more women than men ministers did at any time. However, women's presence is highly relevant. In more gender-balanced political contexts, men and women ministers appointed more women. Moreover, the context changed, in part because critical political actors pushed for it. This imbued a new political sphere, subcabinet-appointed offices, with representational significance.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 742-760 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anjala Selena Krishen ◽  
Robyn Raschke ◽  
Pushkin Kachroo ◽  
Michael LaTour ◽  
Pratik Verma

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to identify the best marketing communications for policy messages that makes these messages acceptable and fair to the public. Within the context of the Vehicle Miles Traveled (VMT) tax, this paper examines how framing messages through the alternative perspective of tribalism can increase individual support towards the corresponding policy. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses a mixed methods approach. Study 1 uses a qualitative content analysis process based on grounded theory to identify the themes that surround 331 public comments on a transportation policy. Study 2 follows with two 2x2 quantitative factorial experiments to test specific hypotheses. Findings – If messages are framed to address the collective losses of the political tribe for collective good, then they generate more favorable attitudes towards the policy, as opposed to the self-interest perspective. Research limitations/implications – This paper focuses on two political tribes: the collective good and self-interest. Additional research needs to address the other socially symbolic political tribes to develop the empirical research on the theory of tribalism. Practical implications – The marketing of public policy based on traditional segmentation is limiting. Policy messages can be more salient if they are framed for the political consumption of the socially symbolic tribe. Originality/value – A key contribution is that the paper is the first to use a mixed methods approach, with two studies that examine the effects of framing policy from a tribalism perspective.


2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adena T. Rottenstein ◽  
Ryan J. Dougherty ◽  
Alexis Strouse ◽  
Lily Hashemi ◽  
Hilary Baruch

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


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