Herbert Fröhlich, 9 December 1905 - 23 January 1991

1992 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 145-162 ◽  

Herbert Fröhlich who died in Liverpool on 23 January 1991, at the age of 85, was one of the group of theoretical physicists who started research just after the new quantum mechanics was formulated, and subsequently spent their lives in applying it to outstanding problems of physics and chemistry, and in Fröhlich’s case also to biology. This group included such figures as Hans Bethe, Rudolf Peierls, Eugene Wigner and Edward Teller, as well as the author of this article; most of them came from Central Europe and, with the rise of Hitler, made their careers in England or the United States, with very positive effects on the development of science in both these countries. Fröhlich, apart from a short stay in the Soviet Union and some months in Leiden, spent his whole career after the rise of Hitler based in Bristol and then in Liverpool; he made extended visits to Germany, Japan and America. His interests were unusually wide. As early as 1936 he published (in German) the first book to be devoted to the application of quantum mechanics to electrons in metals (i)*. In Bristol, already before and during the war, he developed a theory of dielectric behaviour, and in particular dielectric breakdown, which attracted much interest in the electrical industry, and financial support. At the same time he worked with Kemmer and Heitler on a problem of particle physics, a subject in which he maintained a deep interest throughout his life. Later, in Liverpool, he turned his attention to the unsolved problem of superconductivity. Here he pointed out that electron-phonon interaction could produce a weak attraction between the electrons. Although a proof that the resultant pairing lead to superconductivity had to await the Nobel prizewinning work of Bardeen, Cooper and Schrieffer a few years later, Fröhlich was confident that the origin of superconductivity lay in this attractive force, and predicted that the strength of this force, and hence the transition temperature, would depend on the vibrational frequency of the phonons and therefore on the isotopic mass. This was a turning point in our understanding, as most physicists realized. During the later years of his active career, which lasted until a few weeks before his death, he created an important new subject, applying concepts developed in his work on superconductivity to certain problems of biology.

2018 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Denzenlkham Ulambayar

Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Accordingly between the MPR and the DPRK fraternal friendship and a framework of cooperation based on the principles of proletarian and socialist internationalism had been developed.18 In light of and as part of this framework, The Korean War has left its deep traces in the history of the MPR’s external diplomatic environment and state sovereignty


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