Comparison of magnetic disturbances recorded by the self-registering magnetometers at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, with magnetic disturbances deduced from the corresponding terrestrial galvanic currents recorded by the self-registering galvanometers of the Royal Observatory

1868 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 249-251

The author, after adverting to the origin of this branch of science, as commencing (with himself) in communications with Messrs. Edwin and Latimer Clark, but more particularly with Mr. Charles V. Walker, and alluding to the important labours of Mr. W. H. Barlow, Mr. Walker, and Dr. Lamont, proceeds to give the official history of the establishment of the wires and other apparatus necessary for its prosecution at the Royal Observatory. In 1860 and 1861, the author submitted to the Board of Visitors of the Royal Observatory proposals for extending wires from the Royal Observatory in two directions nearly at right angles,—on the second occasion, specifying Croydon and Dartford as terminal points. The Board in 1861 recommended this to the Admiralty, who immediately gave their sanction. The author then applied to the Directors of the South- Eastern Railway for permission to place his wires on their poles, which was granted, at a merely nominal rent. All the wires and labour in mounting them were provided by the Railway Company at cost price, and the insulators were furnished by Messrs. Silver without profit. The wires communicate with the earth at both ends of each by solder-attachment to water-pipes. The author then describes the apparatus made by Mr. Simms for the record of the currents. For each wire the current acts on a galvanometer whose needle-carrier also supports a small plane mirror; and, by proper adjustment of cylindrical lenses, neat spots of light are formed upon a rotating ebonite cylinder, covered with photographic paper and made to revolve (by clockwork) in twenty-four hours. With angular motion of the galvanometer, the spot of light moves. The zero of measure is obtained by interrupting the wire-circuit. The zero of time is obtained by interrupting the light and observing the corresponding clock-time. Other adjustments have received great attention.

1868 ◽  
Vol 158 ◽  
pp. 465-472 ◽  

It would be difficult, even at this early stage in the history of the treatment of Spon­taneous Terrestrial Galvanic Currents, to say how the science began. As far as relates to my own acquaintance with it, it originated in some general knowledge of the existence, on special days, of currents disturbing practical telegraphic operations, which were soon found to synchronize with magnetic storms, and in communications with Mr. Edwin Clark and Mr. Latimer Clark, both of whom volunteered their assistance, but more particularly in conversations, and subsequently in correspondence, with Charles V. Walker, Esq. On several occasions, tabular numerical statements were transmitted by Mr. Walker to me, and copies of the Greenwich magnetic photograms were trans­mitted by me to Mr. Walker; Mr. Glaisher also went to Tunbridge several times, to discuss the subject with Mr. Walker. It is not necessary here further to allude to the important papers in the Philosophical Transactions by Mr. W. H. Barlow (1849) and by Mr. Walker (1861 and 1862), or to the subsequent observations of Dr. Lamont, except for the purpose of remarking that these philosophers possessed no means of maintaining a constant record by self-registering apparatus. The history of the establishment of apparatus at the Royal Observatory is as follows. In my Annual Report to the Board of Visitors of the Royal Observatory, 1860, June 2, I submitted to the consideration of the Board, “It may be worth considering whether it would ever be desirable to establish in two directions at right angles to each other (for instance, along the Brighton Railway and along the North Kent Railway) wires which would photographically register in the Royal Observatory the currents that pass in these directions, exhibiting their indications by photographic curves in close juxtaposition with the registers of the magnetic elements."


1870 ◽  
Vol 160 ◽  
pp. 215-226 ◽  

In a communication to the Royal Society, which was honoured by publication in the Philosophical Transactions for 1868, I described the methods and gave the results of comparing the Magnetic Disturbances which might be expected as consequent on the Terrestrial Galvanic Currents recorded by the self-registering galvanometers of the Royal Observatory of Greenwich, with the Magnetic Disturbances actually registered by the self-registering magnetometers. The comparison was limited to seventeen days (1865, October 5 and 31; 1866, October 4; 1867, April 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, May 4, 14, 28, 31, June 1, 2, 7, 24), various days having been omitted in consequence of a doubt on the uniformity of the clock-movement of the registering-barrel, which afterwards proved to be unfounded. The results of the comparison were exhibited in curves, engraved copies of which are given in the volume of publication. I expressed my opinion that it was impossible to doubt the general causal connexion of the Galvanic Currents with the Magnetic Disturbances, but that some points yet remained to be cleared up. As soon as circumstances permitted, I undertook the examination of the whole of the Earth-currents recorded during the establishment of the Croydon and Dartford Wires (namely from 1865 April 1 to 1867 December 31), as far as they should appear to bear upon this and similar questions. For this purpose the days of observation were divided by Mr. Glaisher into three groups. Group No. 1 contained days of considerable mag­netic disturbance (or days of considerable galvanic disturbance, which are always the same), including, besides the seventeen days above-mentioned, the thirty-six days of the following list :—1865, April 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, May 14, 17, July 7,15, August 14,19, 26, September 8, 16, 28, October 4, 6, 10, 12, 14, November 1; 1866, August 11, 23, September 8, 9,12,13,17,18, 25, October 6, 7,10, 30, November 26 ; 1867, February 8; making in all fifty-three days of considerable magnetic disturbance. Group No. 2 consisted of days of moderate magnetic disturbance, and of these no further notice was taken. Group No. 3 contained the days of tranquil magnetism, and the discussion of these will form the principal part of the present Memoir.


1870 ◽  
Vol 18 (114-122) ◽  
pp. 183-185

The author, after referring to his paper in the Philosophical Transactions for 1868 on the comparison of Magnetic Disturbances inferred from Galvanic Currents recorded by the Self-registering Galvanometers of the Royal Observatory of Greenwich with the Magnetic Disturbances registered by the Magnetometers, on 17 days, states that he had now undertaken the examination of the whole of the Galvanic Currents recorded during the establishment of the Croydon and Dartford wires (from 1865 April 1 to 1867 October 24). The days of observation were divided into three groups,—No. I containing days of considerable magnetic disturbance, and therein including not only the 17 days above mentioned, but also 36 additional days, No. 2 containing days of moderate disturbance, of which no further use was made, and No. 3 containing the days of tranquil magnetism. The comparisons of the additional 36 disturbed days were made in the same manner as those of the preceding 17 days, and the inferences were the same. The results were shown in the same manner, by comparison of curves, which were exhibited to the Society. The points most worthy of notice are, that the general agreement of the strong irregularities, Galvanic and Magnetic, is very close, that the galvanic irregularities usually precede the magnetic, in time, and that the northerly magnetic force appears to be increased. The author remarks that no records appeared open to doubt as regards instrumental error, except those of western declination; and to remove this he had compared the Greenwich Curves with the Kew Curves, and had found them absolutely identical.


1883 ◽  
Vol 34 (220-223) ◽  
pp. 275-284

In presenting to the Royal Society a partial reduction of the thermometrical observations made in the water of the Thames during a period of thirty-five years, I commence with a brief history of the undertaking and progress of this work. The observations were instituted at the suggestion of the con­ductors of the Medical Department in the Office of the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages, with the view of supplying some knowledge of an element which may possibly affect the sanitary condition of the Metropolis. The plan of observations was arranged at the Royal Observatory of Greenwich; and the instruments were procured and mounted, and repaired, when necessary, under the care successively of James Glaisher, Esq., and William Ellis, Esq., Superintendents of the Magnetical and Meteorological Department of the Observatory. The self-recording instruments were attached to the Hospital Ships successively anchored in the Thames, nearly opposite to Greenwich: and their records were read and registered by the medical officers of those ships, and these written registers were transmitted every week to the Royal Observatory. And I cannot too strongly express my sense of the care with which the observations were made, the fidelity with which they were recorded, and the order and regularity with which they were transmitted to the Royal Observatory. The weekly register, when received at the Observatory, was combined with the brief record of other meteorological facts observed at the Royal Observatory, and (with the medical record) was published every week by the Registrar-General.


Author(s):  
ROY PORTER

The physician George Hoggart Toulmin (1754–1817) propounded his theory of the Earth in a number of works beginning with The antiquity and duration of the world (1780) and ending with his The eternity of the universe (1789). It bore many resemblances to James Hutton's "Theory of the Earth" (1788) in stressing the uniformity of Nature, the gradual destruction and recreation of the continents and the unfathomable age of the Earth. In Toulmin's view, the progress of the proper theory of the Earth and of political advancement were inseparable from each other. For he analysed the commonly accepted geological ideas of his day (which postulated that the Earth had been created at no great distance of time by God; that God had intervened in Earth history on occasions like the Deluge to punish man; and that all Nature had been fabricated by God to serve man) and argued they were symptomatic of a society trapped in ignorance and superstition, and held down by priestcraft and political tyranny. In this respect he shared the outlook of the more radical figures of the French Enlightenment such as Helvétius and the Baron d'Holbach. He believed that the advance of freedom and knowledge would bring about improved understanding of the history and nature of the Earth, as a consequence of which Man would better understand the terms of his own existence, and learn to live in peace, harmony and civilization. Yet Toulmin's hopes were tempered by his naturalistic view of the history of the Earth and of Man. For Time destroyed everything — continents and civilizations. The fundamental law of things was cyclicality not progress. This latent political conservatism and pessimism became explicit in Toulmin's volume of verse, Illustration of affection, published posthumously in 1819. In those poems he signalled his disapproval of the French Revolution and of Napoleonic imperialism. He now argued that all was for the best in the social order, and he abandoned his own earlier atheistic religious radicalism, now subscribing to a more Christian view of God. Toulmin's earlier geological views had run into considerable opposition from orthodox religious elements. They were largely ignored by the geological community in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Britain, but were revived and reprinted by lower class radicals such as Richard Carlile. This paper is to be published in the American journal, The Journal for the History of Ideas in 1978 (in press).


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Monika Szuba

The essay discusses selected poems from Thomas Hardy's vast body of poetry, focusing on representations of the self and the world. Employing Maurice Merleau-Ponty's concepts such as the body-subject, wild being, flesh, and reversibility, the essay offers an analysis of Hardy's poems in the light of phenomenological philosophy. It argues that far from demonstrating ‘cosmic indifference’, Hardy's poetry offers a sympathetic vision of interrelations governing the universe. The attunement with voices of the Earth foregrounded in the poems enables the self's entanglement in the flesh of the world, a chiasmatic intertwining of beings inserted between the leaves of the world. The relation of the self with the world is established through the act of perception, mainly visual and aural, when the body becomes intertwined with the world, thus resulting in a powerful welding. Such moments of vision are brief and elusive, which enhances a sense of transitoriness, and, yet, they are also timeless as the self becomes immersed in the experience. As time is a recurrent theme in Hardy's poetry, this essay discusses it in the context of dwelling, the provisionality of which is demonstrated in the prevalent sense of temporality, marked by seasons and birdsong, which underline the rhythms of the world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-250
Author(s):  
Stephen Cheeke

This article argues for the centrality of notions of personality and persons in the work of Walter Pater and asks how this fits in with his critical reception. Pater's writing is grounded in ideas of personality and persons, of personification, of personal gods and personalised history, of contending voices, and of the possibility of an interior conversation with the logos. Artworks move us as personalities do in life; the principle epistemological analogy is with the knowledge of persons – indeed, ideas are only grasped through the form they take in the individuals in whom they are manifested. The conscience is outwardly embodied in other persons, but also experienced as a conversation with a person inhabiting the most intimate and sovereign dimension of the self. Even when personality is conceived as the walls of a prison-house, it remains a powerful force, able to modify others. This article explores the ways in which these questions are ultimately connected to the paradoxes of Pater's own person and personality, and to the matter of his ‘style’.


2013 ◽  
pp. 116-123
Author(s):  
Claire Bompaire-Evesque

This article is a inquiry about how Barrès (1862-1923) handles the religious rite of pilgrimage. Barrès stages in his writings three successive forms of pilgrimage, revealing what is sacred to him at different times. The pilgrimage to a museum or to the birthplace of an artist is typical for the egotism and the humanism of the young Barrès, expressed in the Cult of the Self (1888-1891). After his conversion to nationalism, Barrès tries to unite the sons of France and to instill in them a solemn reverence for “the earth and the dead” ; for that purpose he encourages in French Amities (1903) pilgrimages to historical places of national importance (battlefields; birthplace of Joan of Arc), building what Nora later called the Realms of Memory. The third stage of Barrès’ intellectual evolution is exemplified by The Sacred Hill (1913). In this book the writer celebrates the places where “the Spirit blows”, and proves open to a large scale of spiritual forces, reaching back to paganism and forward to integrative syncretism, which aims at unifying “the entire realm of the sacred”.


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