scholarly journals Red capital in Hong Kong

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Wang-Kaeding ◽  
Malte Philipp Kaeding
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Stock Exchange ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Comparative Capitalism ◽  
Liberal Societies ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Systems Framework ◽  
The Impact

Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to recount the scale, composition and agents of red capital in Hong Kong; second, to conceptualise the peculiarity of red capital; and third, to explore the impact of red capital on the political and economic institutional setup in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The paper consults the comparative capitalism literature to conceptualise the phenomenon of red capital. The paper gathers data from Hong Kong Stock Exchange and indices to provide an overview of red capital. Furthermore, the case study of 2016 Legislative Election is deployed to investigate the mechanisms of red capital’s influence. The paper concludes with a summary of how red capital may challenge the validity of the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Findings This paper argues that red capital replicates China’s state–capital nexus in Hong Kong and morphs the game of competition in favour of Chinese nationally controlled companies. In tandem with the emerging visibility of the party–state in Hong Kong’s economic sphere, the authors observe attempts of Chinese economic actors to compromise democratic institutions, deemed obstacles to state control. Originality/value This paper is the first attempt to systematically embed the discussion of red capital into comparative capitalism literature. This study provides conceptual tools to examine why red capital could pose a threat to liberal societies such as Hong Kong. Through this paper, we introduce a novel research agenda to scrutinise capital from authoritarian states and investigate how the capital is changing the political infrastructure shaped by liberal principles and values.

“One country, two systems” after the Umbrella movement: problems and prospects

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chor-yung Cheung
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
The One

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess critically the political challenges facing Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” policy following the Umbrella Movement and to evaluate the territory’s democratic and autonomous future. Design/methodology/approach A critical, contextual, and analytical approach has been adopted to evaluate the problems and prospects for post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong. Findings The contradictions embedded in the “one country, two systems” policy have become apparent since the Umbrella Movement arose and Hong Kong’s political and democratic future is as problematic as its prospects are uncertain, though the possibility of some rapprochement between Hong Kong and Beijing should not be ruled out completely. Research limitations/implications The critical evaluation offered by this paper is no scientific prediction. Social scientific analysis of this kind is suggestive rather than definitive. The informed discussion offered by this paper will help readers to better understand the strengths and weaknesses inherent in Beijing’s “one country, two systems” policy and the tortuous process of democratization in Hong Kong. The conclusion drawn in the paper points to a possible way out of the political impasse that is facing post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong. Originality/value This paper is a pioneering study of the most important political conflict between Beijing and Hong Kong since 1997, the conclusion of which may have important political and policy implications for both China and Hong Kong.

The ties that bind: mutuality of political destiny between Hong Kong and Taiwan

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-148
Author(s):  
Wai Kwok Benson Wong
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Bonding Effect ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
Negative Perceptions ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Ruling Party

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations. Design/methodology/approach “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s self-identity. Findings It has observed the following arguments which shaped the prevailing perceptions among critics of the “One Country, Two Systems” policy: political infiltration of China in Hong Kong could be extended to Taiwan in the sense that the Beijing authorities would adopt the identical approach to manipulate Taiwan through the cross-strait trading agreements; negative perceptions and images of China and Chinese capitals as a collective aggressor and a threat, raising fear and worries in both Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Kuomintang, as a ruling party at that time under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeoh, was dismissed by protesters as an incompetent gatekeeper and defender of Taiwan’s interests. Originality/value The pervasive sentiments and perceptions about post-1997 Hong Kong has been articulated discursively by the young activists in Taiwan and Hong Kong into a statement – “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” – which has brought about a somewhat unexpected bonding effect between Hong Kong and Taiwan through a strong disapproval of “One Country, Two Systems” and the China factor, which has be reproduced, delivered and circulated in both societies since 2014.

Businesses must toe line after Turkish coup attempt

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Stock Exchange ◽  
Business Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Business Partners ◽  
Private Investors ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Coup Attempt

Subject The impact of last month's coup attempt on economic activity. Significance The business community is nervous post-coup. A state of emergency is in force and enterprises and business organisations that have had relations with the Fethullah Gulen movement face investigation. Impacts Companies working in and with Turkey need extra care about business partners, their public profiles and developments in politics and policy. Stock exchange investors and funds must pay more heed to the risks and opportunities the political climate creates for individual firms. Foreign direct investment may fall owing to additional uncertainty due to the political situation; some firms may divert investment abroad. Media independence and pluralism will be weakened further, with private investors reluctant to own, or advertise in, opposition outlets.

The Impact of Differentiation and Differential on Hong Kong's Career Public Service

2003 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233
Author(s):  
Brian Brewer
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The Public ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Career Employment ◽  
The Impact

The public administration principles characteristic of many Commonwealth countries served as the foundations for building the Hong Kong civil service. These have continued to operate in line with the `one country two systems' concept under which Hong Kong has been administered, since 1997, as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China. Career employment, hierarchy and public service values combined to provide an overarching unity to a system that nevertheless has developed considerable differentiation over time. This article examines the developments that are currently modifying Hong Kong's public sector. The discussion draws on documentary sources and a recently completed qualitative study on the experiences and perspectives of senior Hong Kong managers working in a dozen government departments and agencies. The discussion addresses questions about whether greater differentiation across government departments, in combination with increasing differential within these organizations, will ultimately bring about the demise of the traditional civil service system.

Canaries or Colonials? The Reduced Prominence of the ‘Overseas Judges’ on Hong Kong's Court of Final Appeal

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Stuart Hargreaves
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
The Status ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Systems Framework ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Typically one member of a sitting panel of Hong Kong's Court of Final Appeal is a senior jurist drawn from another common law jurisdiction. In the Court's early years, these ‘overseas judges’ were responsible for writing approximately one quarter of the lead opinions across a vast range of cases. This article demonstrates, however, that this practice has changed. The overseas judges now write a smaller share of lead opinions and no longer write lead opinions related to issues of fundamental human rights or the relationship between Hong Kong and the rest of China. This article suggests this change has been made for good reason. Though valid questions about the legitimacy of the role of the overseas judges can be made, they also continue to perform a valuable communicative role regarding the status of Hong Kong's judicial independence under the ‘one country, two systems’ framework. A recent rise in attacks on overseas and other ‘foreign’ judges in Hong Kong can be understood as part of a broader project that seeks to constrain the role of the independent judiciary. By continuing to invite overseas judges to sit on the Court of Final Appeal but reducing their public prominence, the Court has sought not only to reduce avenues for attacks on the legitimacy of particular decisions, but to protect the autonomy and independence of the judiciary more broadly.

scholarly journals The Complex Interplay of EU-China and EU-HKSAR Relations

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Antonia Gough
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Systems Model ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
Systems Framework ◽  
Book Publishers ◽  
The Eu

Due to a unique colonial history, Hong Kong today operates under the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. In the years immediately following the handover, it was generally thought that this was working quite well. In recent years, however, tensions have arisen within the “One Country, Two Systems” model, most notably including the 2014 Umbrella Movement, the imprisonment of student protesters and various notable incidents like the disappearance of five book publishers. This article aims to uncover how consistent the EU is in promoting democratic norms in its relations with the HKSAR. Using discourse analysis of relevant EU documents, the article explores two things. Firstly, to investigate whether these tensions lead to potential (in)consistencies between what the EU says and how it in fact acts regarding disputes between Hong Kong and China. Secondly, since a large part of EU discourse stresses the promotion of values and norms such as democracy, this article analyses the consistency of this discourse.

A critical appraisal of the international factors in “One Country, Two Systems” and democratization in Hong Kong

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-216
Author(s):  
Kenneth Ka Lok Chan ◽  
King Man Eric Chong
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Behavioral Approach ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
Sound Foundation ◽  
External Actors ◽  
The Impact

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present an analytical framework to examine the impact of international factors on “One Country, Two Systems” in general and Hong Kong’s democratization in particular. Design/methodology/approach The paper has adopted a behavioral approach to identify the agents, mechanisms and observable facets of external–internal interactions. Findings The need for international recognition on the performance of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) under Chinese sovereignty has provided external actors with the necessary leverage. Though the impact of the international community has been indirect and limited, the authors have identified two mechanisms – lesson drawing and socialization – whereby the impact of international actors and their actions towards Hong Kong may be subtly felt. Moreover, there are at least three observable facets of external actions which are pertinent to the democracy issue. At the end of day, the external impacts will be determined not by the international actors per se but the balance of power between the domestic actors in Hong Kong. Originality/value There is a scholarly consensus that international factors matter to Hong Kong. But there has been a lack of serious investigation as to why and how they matter. The observable facets of external–internal interactions and the mechanisms identified in this work have not only enriched our understanding of the relevance of external factors in Hong Kong affairs, but also provided a sound foundation for future research.

scholarly journals Carrots, not Sticks: A Historical Analysis of Beijing's Economic Statecraft Towards Hong Kong

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810262110445
Author(s):  
Tim Summers
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Economic Statecraft ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Economic Tools ◽  
Systems Framework

This analysis offers a historical assessment of “economic statecraft” in Beijing's approach to Hong Kong from 1997 to 2020. It discusses how the concept of “economic statecraft” can be applied to Beijing–Hong Kong relations given the nature of the “one country, two systems” framework, and looks at some differing perceptions about economic statecraft in Hong Kong. It argues that, during this period, economic tools were in general used by Beijing relatively sparingly, and in the form of inducements rather than coercion. In conclusion, the analysis suggests that the contested interpretations of Beijing–Hong Kong economic relations demonstrate that “economic statecraft” is to a certain extent in the eye of the beholder.

scholarly journals Hong Kong's Exercise of External Autonomy: a Multi-Faceted Appraisal

2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-962 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roda Mushkat
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
Monitoring And Enforcement ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Systems Framework ◽  
Unique Status

Since the resumption of China's sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, academic and policy interest in its unique status has largely subsided. This may be attributed to the fact that the issue has formally been settled and the absence of effective mechanisms for monitoring and enforcement of compliance with the bilateral accord underpinning the new legal order. The marginalization of the subject has arguably left an analytical vacuum as several dimensions of the post-1997 picture merit attention on the part of international lawyers. One topic that continues to be of both practical and theoretical importance—the unconstrained pursuit, within the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ framework, of key strategic goals in the external arena—is addressed in this paper.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region at 20

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Tim Summers
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Occupy Movement ◽  
Joint Declaration ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
Basic Rights ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
High Degree

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the two decades since Hong Kong’s return to Chinese sovereignty, assessing developments against the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the international agreement under which Hong Kong was transferred from British to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, 1997, and which first set out China’s “basic policies” toward Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The paper’s analysis of developments focuses particularly on areas of controversy, from the extent to which Hong Kong has enjoyed a “high degree of autonomy” to basic rights and freedoms and the legal and judicial systems. Findings It argues that on the whole, the policies set out in the Joint Declaration have been well implemented: Hong Kong has retained its separate systems since 1997, including rule of law and an independent judiciary, basic rights and freedoms, and separate government and social systems. However, especially since the “occupy” movement of 2014, questions about the sustainability of the “one country, two systems” arrangement have come to the surface. Originality/value The paper is distinctive in its assessment of developments against the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration.

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