Utilising trade unions in business continuity management to create resilience

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cliff Ferguson

Purpose Trade unions are the political arm of the working class, economically active masses, whilst industrial action is a demonstration of the will to reach their objectives. However, the crippling of systems through such contradicts business continuity. Yet, the opposite is true for a natural disaster that traumatises the union member and has a direct impact on their well-being. Inculcating a service continuity and resilience in government, with trade unions as majority stakeholders, may be a challenge. Moreover, it is further complicated by the African perspective, which will become prevalent in the author’s deliberations, as the trade union landscape is open to revolutionary Marxism, Socialism and Capitalistic precepts and concepts. Testing the problem and solutions with the period model produces evidence that purports a future praxis for business continuity management (BCM) that involves trade union representatives and their members. Ultimately, trade unions, cumbersome as they may seem, have much to offer as far as human resources, mass membership, knowledge and skill are concerned. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach An action learning approach linked to the period model to answer five research questions, namely: What is the actual modus operandi of trade unions with regard to business continuity and resilience?; What is the actual interest of union representatives in the understanding and implementation of BCM and resilience standards and concepts?; What would be required to utilise trade union platforms for the purposes of BC induction and awareness?; How will BCM certification for trade union stewards affect or impact on their industrial actions or campaigns?; How can the BCM fora develop a theory and possible praxis, to involve trade unions as part of the business continuity and resilience programme of an organisation? Findings The findings are as follows: the period model works as an agent of action learning. The likelihood of trade unions to participate in business continuity outside of labour action is commendable. Trade union representatives are keen on being certified as BCM practitioners. BCPs are inclined to fail with industrial action when involving trade union representatives. The BCM Policy and ISO 22301 standards bring about a good understanding of the roles of BC practitioners and union representatives in a crisis period. Research limitations/implications Research was limited to the pilot site, i.e. The Government Pensions Administration Agency – South Africa. Originality/value The paper brings about a new dimension to a business continuity programme, where the trade unions are no longer an interested party but rather they become active members of a business continuity team.

Subject French trade unions. Significance French trade unions have found themselves at the centre of a continuing and powerful social movement against the labour reform proposed by the government under President Francois Hollande and Prime Minister Manuel Valls. However, the strong opposition is not just driven by the content of the reform but also by the power struggle among trade unions which are now split into 'reformist' and 'non-reformist' camps. Impacts The division between trade unions is likely to lead to a radicalisation of the non-reformist unions with violent strikes continuing. The government will be held responsible for the lock-down, which will weaken Hollande's re-election bid further. The labour reform dispute could relegitimise non-reformist trade unions in the long term, complicating future reform attempts.


1987 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-302
Author(s):  
B. W. Napier

The government's recent Green Paper “Trade Unions and Their Members” contains several radical proposals for the reform of labour law, among them the suggestion that no union member should be subject to penalties by his trade union for disobedience to the union's call to take strike action. This proposal is based partly on a philosophy of committed individualism—everyone has a right to decide to work whatever a trade union has to say about the taking of industrial action—and partly on the government's concern over the well-publicised sanctions which unions such as the N. U. M. and the N. U. J. have recently imposed on members who have rejected official calls to participate in industrial action. The suggestion is made at a time when the actual impact of strikes (measured in terms of working days lost) is at its lowest point for twenty years and at a stage when, as one commentator has observed, “[t]he trend in this area of law, as developed in the courts and by Parliament, is towards strengthening the position of the union member who refuses to participate in industrial action”. Given its conviction that the taking of industrial action should be a matter left to individual choice (para. 2.22), it is hardly surprising that the government appears to view sympathetically the possibility of extending to members disciplined by their union (by expulsion or some lesser sanction) the right of complaint to an industrial tribunal.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoyi Wen

Purpose – Collective bargaining (CB) in China is perceived as inadequate, thanks to the lack of trade union independence and representation. However, CB of the sweater industry in Wenling, one of the world’s largest manufacturing centre, shows another tendency. Using Wenling as the case, the purpose of this paper is to explore whether a new form of CB is emerging in China. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a qualitative case study approach, and covers stakeholders, including the government, trade union, sweater association, workers and employers. Findings – In China, trade unions are constrained by corporatism and therefore cannot become the effective agents of CB. However, the increased industrial conflicts could in effect push employers to become the engine of change. This paper finds that employers endeavour to use CB as a tool to stabilise employment relations and neutralise workers resistance. Consequently, a gradual transition in labour relations system is on the way, characterised by “disorderly resistance” to “orderly compliance” in the working class. Research limitations/implications – The case industry may not be sufficient in drawing the details of CB in China, while it provides the trend of change. Originality/value – Conventional wisdom on the Chinese labour relations and CB tends to ignore the employer’s perspective. This paper partially fills in the gap by offering CB and change of employment relations from the aspect of employers.


Significance Electricity companies wanted a near-38% rise amid soaring international market prices, but the ERC wanted to avoid a price shock. In November, the government declared an ‘energy crisis’ at the ERC’s request, thanks to reduced domestic electricity supply and the global market situation, and extended it in December for six months. Impacts Investment in infrastructure and technologies should contribute to economic growth and create jobs. Care will have to be taken that closing established mines and power plants do not depress economies locally and raise unemployment. Rising domestic utility prices will inflict political damage on a fragile government. Phasing out coal will improve air quality and population health and well-being, with knock-ons for healthcare priorities and spending.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
James Richards ◽  
Vaughan Ellis

PurposeA retrospective action-research case study of one branch of the University and College Union (UCU) is used to show how threshold requirements of the Act can be systematically beaten.Design/methodology/approachThe paper responds to calls for “best practice” on how trade unions may react to member voting threshold requirements of the Trade Union Act 2016 (the Act). A broader aim is to make a theoretical contribution related to trade union organising and tactics in “get the vote out” (GTVO) industrial action organising campaigns.FindingsFindings are presented as a lead organiser's first-hand account of a successful GTVO campaign contextualised in relation to theories of organising. The findings offer “best practice” for union organisers required to beat the Act's voting thresholds and also contribute to theories surrounding trade union organising tactics.Research limitations/implicationsFurther development and adaptation of the proposed model may be required when applied to larger bargaining units and different organising contexts.Practical implicationsThe findings can inform the organising practices/tactics of trade unions in relation to statutory ballots. The findings also allow Human Resource (HR) practitioners to reflect on their approach to dealing with unions capable of mounting successful GTVO campaigns.Social implicationsThe findings have the potential to collectively empower workers, via their trade unions, to defend and further their interests in a post-financial crisis context and in the shadow of the Covid-19 pandemic.Originality/valueThis is the first known empirical account of organising to exceed voting thresholds of the Act, providing practical steps for union organisers in planning for statutory ballots. Further value lies in the paper's use of a novel first-hand account of a GTVO campaign, offering a new and first, theoretical model of organising tactics to beat the Act.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-268
Author(s):  
Léon-Eli Troclet

I . Confronted with the acuteness of the socio-economic problems the two major labour organizations (i.e. : the socialist and the christiandemocratic trade union confederation) have in 1976 strengthened their «Common Trade Unions' Front» (with about two million members on a total of 2,300,000 wage- and salary earners in Belgium) in view of their negotiations with employers and with the government, to which the trade unions have submitted a common platform.The common front, that has its antecedents on the local, regional and professional level has never been and never will be of a permanent nature, some sort of organic unit. Each confederation maintains its own identity and the front is meant to be re-animated according to the circumstances.II. From the employers' side (and to some extent completely independent from the trade unions' common front) representatives of employers' organizations have «as a personal point of view» and, no doubt, as a preliminary approach, launched the idea that a new and very comprehensive «social pact» should be negotiated.  The socialist trade unions clearly tend to reject this idea, since it maywell lead to a further integration in the capitalist system, whereas the christiandemocratic union seems to be rather in favour of such a pact.In the present state of affairs (end of June, 1977) the probability that it be realized is rather low indeed.


foresight ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques G. Richardson

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand a spontaneous movement of social mobilization and protest known as the yellow vests and their unrelenting demand for increased buying power. Design/methodology/approach A capsule history of France and the universal struggle for a living wage lead to a post-Marxian process of intensified civic action to support the universal aims of well-being and fair play. Findings The yellow vests appear to be assuming the proportions of an unorthodox labor fraternity, a novel pressure network transcending the usual time-and-money quests of integrated trade unions. Research limitations/implications Little attention is paid to the changing nature of employment, work itself and labor competitiveness. These require further research. Originality/value Internal and external factors are identified, combining to explain the lack of discipline and orderly evolution by both animators and demonstrators.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 365-379
Author(s):  
Hamka Hamka ◽  
Ni'matuzahroh Ni'matuzahroh ◽  
Tri Astuti ◽  
Mein-Woei Suen ◽  
Fu-An Shieh

Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the psychological well-being of people living around landfills, which constitutes a preliminary case study localized in Samarinda city, Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach This current study used a descriptive, participatory case study design. For data collection, interviews and participatory observation were used. Specifically, this case study took place in Samarinda City, Indonesia. Findings The psychological well-being of the people living around landfills was indicated very low in the light of psychological well-being such as personal growth, life’s goals and self-acceptance dimensions. Research limitations/implications Psychological well-being is part of an attitude of gratitude, thus making individuals happy and satisfied in life. The results of this study point to the fact that people who live around landfills have low psychological well-being due to lack of support from the community and government. In addition, with this research, people who live near landfills are very happy because they feel cared for and care about their condition. People who live near landfills expect the government and surrounding communities to know about their situation so that they become prosperous and well-being. In addition, providing medical team services, sending clean water and providing good solutions can help people who live near landfills. The limitation of this preliminary study was that researchers could deeply explore the lives of people in the next research. Besides, the next research can provide a camera or voice recorder in the state of only observation. In addition, the researcher can analyze more deeply in the next research. The final limitation was that participants could not have enough time to interact with, thus, the researcher could not collect the data to explore further. Practical implications Base on the result in this study, the government needs to have the policy to take care of those people who stay near landfills, for example, improving drinking water, establish the health management and giving a right to people to stay near landfills. Social implications By improving the growing environment, the people live near landfills can have some changes in their life. In addition, the negative stereotype and prejudice can be decreased and establish a more friendly society and increasing their well-being. Originality/value The participants were found to be problematic, primarily in managing their environment and influencing their personal growth. On top of that, the participants appeared to possess a lack exposure of to social interaction with other communities, which might cause them social gap and lack of caring perceived toward the surrounding environment, lack of better life’s goals, the disappointment of current conditions due to low educational and skill backgrounds. Nonetheless, the participants were still of gratefulness upon the situation for they were still granted health for studies to support their families. Besides, the participants did not show any positive attitudes toward themselves because of the disappointment of their condition and personal qualities.


2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
Johanim Johari ◽  
Faridahwati Mohd Shamsudin ◽  
Tan Fee Yean ◽  
Khulida Kirana Yahya ◽  
Zurina Adnan

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the structural relationships between the job itself (i.e. job characteristics), employee well-being and job performance in light of the new administrative reform called the Government Transformation Program in Malaysia that stresses on measurable performance outputs. Design/methodology/approach A total of 208 public sector employees from various public agencies and departments in the northern region of Peninsular Malaysia were surveyed. Some of the agencies that took part in the study include state departments, the fishery department, agriculture-related agencies and the rural development agency. Findings The authors observed that feedback positively influenced employee well-being, which served as a significant mediator in the relationship between feedback and job performance. The results indicated that 26.4 percent of the variance that explained employee well-being was accounted for by the different characteristics of a job. The authors also demonstrated that employee well-being accounted for 41.8 percent of job performance. Research limitations/implications The authors recommended that public sector managers consider the element of feedback and enhance employee well-being to improve job performance. Originality/value This study offers an insight into the effect of perceived changes in the job itself on employee well-being and subsequent job performance in light of government reforms.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document