Young adults know that their issues are not represented in the news: Israeli young adults and mainstream news media

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Nuriely ◽  
Moti Gigi ◽  
Yuval Gozansky

Purpose This paper aims to analyze the ways socio-economic issues are represented in mainstream news media and how it is consumed, understood and interpreted by Israeli young adults (YAs). It examines how mainstream media uses neo-liberal discourse, and the ways YAs internalize this ethic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome its limitations. Design/methodology/approach This was a mixed methods study. First, it undertook content analysis of the most popular Israeli mainstream news media among YAs: the online news site Ynet and the TV Channel 2 news. Second, the authors undertook semi-structured in-depth interviews with 29 Israeli YAs. The analysis is based on an online survey of 600 young Israelis, aged 18–35 years. Findings Most YAs did not perceive mainstream media as enabling a reliable understanding of the issues important to them. The content analysis revealed that self-representation of YAs is rare, and that their issues were explained, and even resolved, by older adults. Furthermore, most of YAs' problems in mainstream news media were presented using a neo-liberal perspective. Finally, from the interviews, the authors learned that YAs did not find information that could help them deal with their most pressing economic and social issue, in the content offered by mainstream media. For most of them, social media overcomes these shortcomings. Originality/value Contrary to research that has explored YAs’ consumerism of new media outlets, this article explores how YAs in Israel are constructed in the media, as well as the way in which YAs understand mainstream and new social media coverage of the issues most important to them. Using media content analysis and interviews, the authors found that Young Adults tend to be ambivalent toward media coverage. They understand the lack of media information: most of them know that they do not learn enough from the media. This acknowledgment accompanies their tendency to internalize the neo-liberal logic and conservative Israeli national culture, in which class and economic redistribution are largely overlooked. Mainstream news media uses neo-liberal discourse, and young adults internalize this logic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome the limitations this discourse offers. They do so by turning to social media, mainly Facebook. Consequently, their behavior maintains the logic of the market, while also developing new social relations, enabled by social media.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110217
Author(s):  
Marion Dalibert

By questioning the media coverage of the seven feminist movements that have received most publicity in the French mainstream media since the 2000s, this article shows that the media narrative regarding feminism perpetuates the national metanarrative produced in generalist newspapers. This metanarrative reinforces the power of majority groups by portraying them as inherently egalitarian, while those with the least economic, social, political and cultural power, such as Muslim men, are portrayed as the most sexist. It also highlights that racialised collectives are still socially invisible or limited to a visibility that is framed by representations rooted in a (post) colonial imaginary. Non-white women are in fact presented as fundamentally submissive, while (upper)-middle-class white women are the only ones associated with emancipation, which is significant of white and bourgeois hegemony at work in the French news media.


Significance The new rules follow a stand-off between Twitter and the central government last month over some posts and accounts. The government has used this stand-off as an opportunity not only to tighten rules governing social media, including Twitter, WhatsApp, Facebook and LinkedIn, but also those for other digital service providers including news publishers and entertainment streaming companies. Impacts Government moves against dominant social media platforms will boost the appeal of smaller platforms with light or no content moderation. Hate speech and harmful disinformation are especially hard to control and curb on smaller platforms. The new rules will have a chilling effect on online public discourse, increasing self-censorship (at the very least). Government action against online news media would undercut fundamental democratic freedoms and the right to dissent. Since US-based companies dominate key segments of the Indian digital market, India’s restrictive rules could mar India-US ties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Lewandowsky ◽  
Michael Jetter ◽  
Ullrich K. H. Ecker

Abstract Social media has arguably shifted political agenda-setting power away from mainstream media onto politicians. Current U.S. President Trump’s reliance on Twitter is unprecedented, but the underlying implications for agenda setting are poorly understood. Using the president as a case study, we present evidence suggesting that President Trump’s use of Twitter diverts crucial media (The New York Times and ABC News) from topics that are potentially harmful to him. We find that increased media coverage of the Mueller investigation is immediately followed by Trump tweeting increasingly about unrelated issues. This increased activity, in turn, is followed by a reduction in coverage of the Mueller investigation—a finding that is consistent with the hypothesis that President Trump’s tweets may also successfully divert the media from topics that he considers threatening. The pattern is absent in placebo analyses involving Brexit coverage and several other topics that do not present a political risk to the president. Our results are robust to the inclusion of numerous control variables and examination of several alternative explanations, although the generality of the successful diversion must be established by further investigation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-143
Author(s):  
Mads Damgaard

Abstract Through a content analysis of 8,800 news items and six months of front pages of three Brazilian newspapers, all dealing with corruption and political transgression, the present article documents the remarkable bias of media coverage toward corruption scandals. Said bias is examined as an informational phenomenon, arising from key systemic and commercial factors of Brazil’s news media: an information cascade of news on corruption formed, destabilizing the governing coalition and legitimizing the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff. As this process gained momentum, questions of accountability were disregarded by the media, with harmful effects for democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giwoong Bae ◽  
Hye-Jin Kim

PurposeSocial media (e.g., e-WOM) and traditional media (e.g., media coverage) serve different roles in a firm's marketing activities and also interact with each other, which in turn affect the market outcome. In addition, how market outcome affects the two types of media in turn has not been examined, which brings the need for a holistic framework. The rare study that examines this relation mostly relies on the volume of media rather than the valence. This study examines the interdependent relation between the volume and valence of social media, the volume of traditional media and TV ratings.Design/methodology/approachForty-one South Korean TV drama shows from October 2014 to March 2016 were analyzed using the 3SLS estimation to examine the interdependent relation between the variables.FindingsFirst, the volume of traditional media has a negative effect on the volume of social media. Second, ratings negatively affect the valence of social media. Third, the volume of traditional media is found to have a negative effect on ratings. This is explained by the displacement effect.Originality/valueThis study is one of the very few studies that examine the interdependent relation between various earned media and market outcomes in one framework. In addition, it has originality in that it considers the valence of social media, which is an important dimension in analyzing earned media. Our results show negative effects of news media on TV ratings and e-WOM, which diverge from common intuition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Miczo

Abstract This essay explores the news media’s portrayal of humor during the early phase of COVID-19-related lockdowns. Examining a collection of online news articles reveals the media tended to frame the issue as an ethical one (e.g., “is it okay to laugh at the coronavirus?”). After reviewing work on humor ethics, a qualitative content analysis of 20 news media articles is presented. Three issues from the news stories are identified, allowing comparison of the media’s claims against the ethical principles articulated. The essay concludes with a consideration of how news media’s coverage of humor fits within a broader pandemic narrative.


Kandai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 291
Author(s):  
NFN Aliurridha ◽  
Susana Widyastuti

The #2019gantipresiden movement was a new agenda of the opposition to win the 2019 presidential election. There were many rejections of these movements. The media reported these rejections with different language style so as to articulate their ideologies. The goal of this research is to explain the attitude of mainstream media toward the rejections of #2019gantipresiden and how ideology plays a role in discourse production. This research used CDA with the appraisal system approach to analyze linguistic features. The data in this research were taken from three different online news media, CNN Indonesia, Detik, and Kompas. The data of this research were collected by selected purposive sampling: three tops of news report were chosen in ‘Google search engine’ of each media. The data analysis was done through referential, substitutional and abductive inference method. The result shows that CNN and Kompas marginalize the #2019gantipresiden movement in reporting the rejection while Detik more neutral. CNN was more focused on describing the #2019gantipresiden movement by negative evaluation while others more focused on reporting the rejection. Furthermore, CNN used explicit, provocative, sharp and straightforward language styles; Detik used neutral, emphatic, careful, and objective language styles; Kompas used deep and clear analysis and more delicate language styles in reporting the rejection of the #2019gantipresiden movement.(Gerakan #2019gantipresiden adalah agenda baru pihak oposisi untuk memenangkan pemilihan presiden 2019. Ada banyak penolakan terhadap gerakan ini. Media memberitakan penolakan ini dengan gaya bahasa yang berbeda-beda mewakili ideologi mereka. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan sikap media online arus utama dalam memberitakan penolakan ini dan bagaimana ideologi berperan dalam praktik wacana. Penelitian ini menggunakan AWK dengan pendekatan sistem appraisal untuk menganalisis fitur-fitur linguistik. Data dalam penelitian ini diambil dari tiga media berita online (daring) yang berbeda, CNN Indonesia, Detik, dan Kompas. Data penelitian ini dikumpulkan dengan purposive sampling: tiga artikel teratas dipilih pada 'mesin pencari Google' dari masing-masing media. Data dianalisis menggunakan metode referensial, substitusi, dan abduktif inferensial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa CNN dan Kompas cenderung memarginalkan gerakan #2019gantipresiden dalam memberitakan penolakan sementara Detik lebih netral. CNN fokus dalam menggambarkan gerakan #2019gantipresiden dengan evaluasi negatif sementara yang lain lebih fokus pada pemberitaan penolakan. Selain itu, CNN menggunakan bahasa yang eksplisit, provokatif, tajam dan langsung; sementara Detik menggunakan bahasa yang lebih netral, empati, hati-hati, dan objektif; Kompas menggunakan analisis yang mendalam, jelas, dan lebih halus dalam memberitakan penolakan terhadap gerakan # 2019gantipresiden.)


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Lidberg

When the Australian Independent Media Inquiry (IMI) published its report most mainstream media reporting focused on the suggested statutory-based News Media Council and largely ignored any discussion of the underlying issues—public trust in journalism and news media and accountability for its practices. The aim of this study was to capture the attitudes held by the media industry toward these issues. Based on a content analysis of 33 submissions to the IMI and the Convergence Review it can be concluded that only 15 percent of the submissions addressed trust or media accountability issues. Furthermore, the submissions illustrate a disconnect between the attitudes held by some media proprietors and the trust deficit reality displayed in multiple studies of the public’s attitudes to journalism and news media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Sara Ödmark

Humour has a unique way of delineating social boundaries, and comedy can function as a double-edged sword; it can strengthen bonds and bring people together, or divide through provocation and violation of social norms. As a consequence, humour controversies are telling events that contain the possibility of highlighting cultural and political sensibilities – even more in the current political landscape, with increasing media fragmentation. This study analysed four humour functions through the theoretical lens of media framing, via three cases of humorous content that caused controversies in the Swedish news media. These cases were one divisive radio roast of a politician, one TV satire segment that was received as racist, and one audio podcast with young women who challenged a Swedish political consensus climate. Framing is the power of media to select and highlight certain aspects of issues, and by extension, shape public opinion. By subjecting the media coverage of these three controversies to a qualitative content analysis, the framing was examined and discussed in the light of four humour functions: identification, clarification, enforcement, and differentiation (Meyer 2000). Furthermore, the study examined the media context and the role it played in the framing of the controversies. One main finding was that the most uniting humour function of identification could be transformed into the most dividing humour function of differentiation through a shift in media context.


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