Ideologues steer China to undemocratic future

Subject The significance of the 'Four Comprehensives' ideological campaign. Significance Shortly before the National People's Congress opened last month, the state media presented the 'Four Comprehensives'. This is the rhetorical framework for the next stage of President Xi Jinping's leadership, and may become Xi's enduring contribution to Chinese Communist Party ideology. Impacts The Four Comprehensives signal that Xi intends the austerity and disciplinary campaigns to continue indefinitely. The Four Comprehensives are vague enough that policymakers of many stripes will invoke them to argue their case. Foreign governments and businesses should take ideological processes in China seriously; they are not 'empty' slogans.

Author(s):  
Ning Wang

This chapter contends that, although some intellectuals were labelled rightists because of their sharp criticism of Party policies and cadre officials (for their abuse of power) or because of their advocacy of greater intellectual freedom, many others were so labelled due to factional conflicts, personal animosity, grudges, and/or the mishandling of interpersonal relations. The chapter suggests that, although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched the Anti-Rightist Campaign to punish opponents of the state, intellectuals and officials took advantage of it to attack their peers and competitors. As Party bosses and heads of work units had the power to interpret state policies and to determine a person's fortune, those individuals who did not truly display dissent but simply failed to adequately manage their relations with these power holders inevitably suffered in politically motivated campaigns.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-20
Author(s):  
Hui-Wen Deng ◽  
Kwok Wah Cheung

Purpose The National People’s Congress (NPC) of People’s Republic of China, the highest organ of state power, is popularly seen as a rubber-stamp entity. However, it has been substantially evolving its roles to accommodate the governance discourses within China’s political system over the decades. This study aims to explore the changes of governance discourse of the NPC within China’s political system through which to offer a thorough understanding of the NPC’s evolving substantial role in current China. Design/methodology/approach This study deploys a historical approach to explore the changes of governance discourse of the NPC that has seen a growing importance in China’s political agenda, as argued by this study. Findings The authors find that the NPC has been substantially evolving its role within China’s political system in which the Chinese Communist Party has created different governance discourses. Besides, the NPC and its Standing Committee have asserted its authority as a substantial actor within China’s political system. The NPC is no longer functioned as a rubber-stamp institution, though it is still popularized as a rubber stamp by many scholars. Research limitations/implications This study is a historical elaboration on the development of NPC under three governance discourses. It might be, to some extent, relatively descriptive in nature. Originality/value This study, therefore, sheds some light on a revisit on the governance discourses in current China.


Author(s):  
André Laliberté

AbstractThis essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and republican eras to stress the undetermined nature of ideological change in China. Then, it looks at the mechanisms by which the CCP makes religion a political issue and a matter of public concern within broader agendas. It stresses that this politicization of religions has unfolded in two different ways since 1949: besides the negative and coercive approach of the authorities, positive and cooperative strategy are also implemented. The regime hopes religions will be active politically to promote its objectives, such as projecting abroad an image of China’s soft power, raising funds for philanthropic activities within China, or supporting the state ‘patriotic’ agenda. The actions by the CCP suggest that it does not look at all religions as equally valuable to serve its political objectives, as it still maintains a distinction between official and banned religions. The article documents that the state’s encouragement to the revival of some religious activities is selective but on the other hand that CCP views are more nuanced than outsiders assume.


Subject Communist Party control over private businesses. Significance The Chinese Communist Party sees itself as a 'vanguard party'. That is, it governs by leading other social groups, including the government and private enterprise. Reforms over the years have withdrawn the government from direct control of many industries, but the Party is reasserting control behind the scenes. Impacts In the business sector, control by the state is being replaced with control by the Party; enterprise is not an independent sector. Large private sector firms such as China's ICT giants are subject to the influence and occasional control of Party groups. Party infrastructure in foreign companies is growing, and the Party may take a closer look at business decisions.


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 106-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Børge Bakken

The Chinese Communist Party is based on an ideology that was once fundamentally linked to social norms and values. The original charisma of the party and its leaders seems to have gone in the direction predicted by Max Weber: that charisma cannot stand the test of everyday routines; it will eventually be rationalized and bureaucratized. The party's slogan of 'three representations' seems to reach out to the 'new social strata,' allowing entry to those who 'became rich first,' namely the entrepreneurs. At the same time, the party struggles to redefine the Marxist paradigm of exploitation in a situation where workers increasingly live under conditions akin to those in England at the time of the Industrial Revolution. Sweeping changes are being implemented but without any modification to the verbal baggage of socialist propaganda.


Author(s):  
Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard

During the 1950s and 1960s, the study of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was an important part of Western scholarship on Econtemporary China. However, after the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, studies of the CCP decreased in numbers. Instead, the focus of the field shifted to studies of the state and structural and bureaucratic aspects of the Chinese polity. This focus included important works on decision-making structures in relation to, for example, hydropower management and foreign policy and gave rise to new concepts such as “fragmented authoritarianism.” In the wake of the Tiananmen debacle, many scholars declared the CCP had lost its legitimacy and was bound to wither away. It was only in the early 2000s that scholars began to realize that the CCP not only remained a crucial actor, but also that it had actually undergone a process of revitalization and renewal. Since the book Bringing the Party Back In, edited by Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard and Zheng Yongnian, was published in 2004 (Brødsgaard and Zheng 2004, cited under General Overviews), a number of important studies on the role of the CCP have appeared. They cover themes such as Party ideology, Party organization, and Party reform, as well as issues such as cadre management, which includes nomenklatura (a list of leading positions about whom decisions of appointment are made by the Party, as described in Nomenklatura); recruitment; and training. Even though the general consensus is that the CCP is the key factor in maintaining the Chinese power structure and making the political system work, there is disagreement as to the Party’s future. Some scholars are optimistic concerning the Party’s continued ability to adapt to the internal and external pressures generated by modernization and economic development, whereas others argue that the CCP is bound to constitute an obstacle to democratization and political reform and therefore will atrophy and eventually lose its monopoly of power. The author gratefully acknowledges the suggestions and comments of Huang Yanjie and Nis Grunberg.


Subject The Russian president's options for winning September elections. Significance The September 2016 elections to Russia's parliament, the State Duma, are the first to coincide with a severe economic crisis since President Vladimir Putin came to power. The authorities are determined to prevent social discontent escalating into the kind of protests seen after the last polls in December 2011, which unsettled Putin's plans for re-election in March 2012. Popular support for Putin remains high, and 'loyal opposition' parties such as the Communists are blaming economic problems on Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev instead. Impacts Signs that the recession is slowing will reduce the scope for a protest vote. Putin is keen to get EU sanctions lifted by July, not least for the electoral benefits. Buoyed by growing popular support, the Communist Party may evolve into a more active political force.


Subject China's 19th Communist Party Congress. Significance Preparations are underway for the 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, which is likely to be scheduled for October or November. Much political groundwork has been laid in support of President Xi Jinping and for progress on his vision for China. The Congress will set a direction towards the 100th anniversary in 2021 of the founding of the Party and the handover of power to a sixth generation of leaders shortly after. Impacts Beijing will probably be cautious in its foreign policy during the months running up to the Congress. Consolidating his position at the Congress should increase Xi's ability to press his economically reformist, politically illiberal agenda. Bar any serious reversal, Xi will be in a position to dominate Chinese politics after he retires from formal offices.


Subject Reforms to the structure of the State Council and Communist Party. Significance President Xi Jinping has completed the restructuring of the State Council and Communist Party Central Committee launched earlier this year. These changes retrench long-standing Party rules and rigid structures that have constrained Xi's power. Impacts The changes will centralise power in the hands of Xi and his nominees. Some changes will streamline policymaking and delivery, especially in areas such as foreign aid, financial oversight and market regulation. The changes may marginalise Premier Li Keqiang, a proponent of fiscal prudence and structural economic reform.


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