scholarly journals The Politicization of Religion by the CCP: A Selective Retrieval

Author(s):  
André Laliberté

AbstractThis essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and republican eras to stress the undetermined nature of ideological change in China. Then, it looks at the mechanisms by which the CCP makes religion a political issue and a matter of public concern within broader agendas. It stresses that this politicization of religions has unfolded in two different ways since 1949: besides the negative and coercive approach of the authorities, positive and cooperative strategy are also implemented. The regime hopes religions will be active politically to promote its objectives, such as projecting abroad an image of China’s soft power, raising funds for philanthropic activities within China, or supporting the state ‘patriotic’ agenda. The actions by the CCP suggest that it does not look at all religions as equally valuable to serve its political objectives, as it still maintains a distinction between official and banned religions. The article documents that the state’s encouragement to the revival of some religious activities is selective but on the other hand that CCP views are more nuanced than outsiders assume.

1969 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 54-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle Goldman

From its inception until at least the Cultural Revolution, the Communist regime in China has had a twofold aim for its intellectuals: it has sought to indoctrinate them with the exclusive ideologies of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and it has tried to utilize their skills to develop an industrialized and modernized society. The Chinese Communist Party has attempted to implement these two policies by an insistence on the strict orthodoxy of thinking individuals, on the one hand, and by the encouragement of intellectuals to work creatively at their jobs on the other. This contradictory approach has resulted in a policy toward the intellectuals that has been alternatively severe and relaxed. Though the main trend is usually in one direction or the other, there have always been counter-currents present which can be revived when necessary.


Author(s):  
Ning Wang

This chapter contends that, although some intellectuals were labelled rightists because of their sharp criticism of Party policies and cadre officials (for their abuse of power) or because of their advocacy of greater intellectual freedom, many others were so labelled due to factional conflicts, personal animosity, grudges, and/or the mishandling of interpersonal relations. The chapter suggests that, although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched the Anti-Rightist Campaign to punish opponents of the state, intellectuals and officials took advantage of it to attack their peers and competitors. As Party bosses and heads of work units had the power to interpret state policies and to determine a person's fortune, those individuals who did not truly display dissent but simply failed to adequately manage their relations with these power holders inevitably suffered in politically motivated campaigns.


Subject The significance of the 'Four Comprehensives' ideological campaign. Significance Shortly before the National People's Congress opened last month, the state media presented the 'Four Comprehensives'. This is the rhetorical framework for the next stage of President Xi Jinping's leadership, and may become Xi's enduring contribution to Chinese Communist Party ideology. Impacts The Four Comprehensives signal that Xi intends the austerity and disciplinary campaigns to continue indefinitely. The Four Comprehensives are vague enough that policymakers of many stripes will invoke them to argue their case. Foreign governments and businesses should take ideological processes in China seriously; they are not 'empty' slogans.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Huwy-Min Lucia Liu

This article discusses how the Chinese Communist Party governed death in Shanghai during the first half of the People's Republic of China. It examines how officials nationalized funeral institutions, promoted cremation, and transformed what they believed to be the unproductivity of the funeral industry into productivity (by raising pigs in cemeteries, for instance). I show how each of these policies eliminated possible sources of identity that were prevalent in conceptualizing who the dead were and what their relationships with the living could be. Specifically, in addition to the construction of socialist workers, the state worked to remove cosmopolitan, associational, religious, and relational ideas of self. By modifying funerary rituals and ways of interment, the Chinese state aimed to produce individualized and undifferentiated political subjects directly tied to the party-state. The civil governance of death aimed to produce citizen-subjects at the end of life.


2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheng Li

This article explores two interrelated aspects of the new dynamics within the CCP leadership – the new elite groups and the new ground rules in Chinese politics. The first shows profound changes in the recruitment of the elite and the second aims to reveal the changing mechanisms of political control and the checks and balances of the Chinese political system. The article argues that the future of the CCP largely depends on two seemingly contradictory needs: how broad-based will the Party's recruitment of its new elites be on the one hand and how effective will the top leadership be in controlling this increasingly diverse political institution on the other. The emerging fifth generation of leaders is likely to find the challenge of producing elite harmony and unity within the Party more difficult than their predecessors. Yet, the diverse demographic and political backgrounds of China's new leaders can also be considered a positive development that may contribute to the Chinese-style inner-Party democracy.


Author(s):  
Kavita Rastogi ◽  
Madri Kakoti

Several lesser known and tribal languages of India are rapidly choosing to shift to local and official languages in educational, social, and even personal domains. This preference of the ‘other' language is aided by social, political, and economic factors that often devise the ‘other' as dominant. This chapter looks at the extent of language shift with respect to two communities living in the state of Uttarakhand in India and speaking respectively named endangered languages, Jad and Raji, in the light of these factors. The authors examine how language contact that is causal in language shift is changing their linguistic make up. In the Jad community, Hindi and Garhwali are the major dominating languages, and their presence can be seen in all the domains (100% in education, 35% in religious activities, and even 25% at home). In the Raji community, the usurping languages are Kumaoni and Hindi, and their presence in education is 100%, in religious activities is 45%, and 35% at the home front.


Author(s):  
Willy Wo-Lap Lam

This chapter explores the macro-level political development in China and the possibilities of liberalization in the context of weiquan and weiwen. The government is resorting to both hard and soft measures to maintain stability and legitimacy. On the one hand, a “scorched earth policy” is used against dissidents who may be perceived to challenge the Chinese Communist Party directly, as demonstrated by the prosecution and heavy punishment of Liu Xiaobo and his comrades-in-arms. On the other, the CCP has taken a reconciliatory approach in dealing with the poor, the liberal elements within the CCP, and the Uighurs in Xinjiang. In general, however, the CCP is retreating to a conservative comfort zone ideologically and institutionally. This suggests that there are only slim chances of further political reform.


Author(s):  
Ning Wang

This introductory chapter argues that political exiles to the Great Northern Wilderness were not necessarily real or even potential opponents of Mao's government, rather, they were often “loyal dissidents” and faithful followers of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Some of them were receptive to ideological remoulding and worked hard to achieve self-redemption. This struggle for redemption was self-imposed and was significantly compounded by mental and physical distress. In addition to Party politics, the conditions in the camps also contributed to the suffering of exiles. The chapter looks at both the resistance and subversion of state efforts to subdue these exiles on the one hand, and regrettable infighting and service to those same dark forces on the other.


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