Bosnia’s elections will at best bring prolonged crisis

Significance The final preparations have been overshadowed by a flurry of Russian diplomatic activity, suggesting that Moscow is either more interested in the Balkans than the EU and United States or is at least better at playing Bosnian political games. Impacts Post-election political chaos would force re-engagement by EU and US officials. Blocked financial flows would precipitate a social and economic crisis in the Federation, probably spreading to the rest of BiH. Dodik will seek allies in the rising EU far right and the Trump administration’s doctrine of nation-state-based sovereignty.

Significance Part of the preparations for the summit was the ‘reflection forum’ in Trieste on June 26-27, which gathered representatives of international organisations, media and NGOs from Europe and the Balkans. They underlined the risks of further destabilisation in the Balkans, with Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH) in particular entering deeper into a political crisis characterised by personal animosities and mistrust among all key politicians. Impacts Whether the Balkans destabilises further or stabilises depends on EU and US ability and desire to engage more concretely and resolutely. The gradual fading of EU enlargement has fuelled regional tensions and enabled other influences to grow. Russia could play spoiler by using its influence among Serbs in BiH, Serbia and Montenegro to destabilise the Balkans. Turkey's worsening relations with the EU, United States and NATO and its rapprochement with Russia could create regional tensions.


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Significance The elections were held amid heightened tensions, one week after the Bosnian Serb referendum on September 25. Neither satisfied parties' expectations and each suggests further turmoil. Impacts The Bosnian Serb referendum has increased interethnic tensions and aroused fears of a resumption in violence across the Balkans. The EU and US failure to respond to the referendum challenge signals the disengagement of Dayton safety mechanisms. The Russian and Turkish roles in the Balkans will correspondingly strengthen.


Significance With some new ideas -- as well as some old mistakes and misconceptions -- the strategy is an opportunity to reopen the issue of Balkan states’ EU accession, pushed aside for several years. Impacts The EU faces problems in securing implementation of existing reforms, which have slowed or even halted across the Balkans. The situation is further burdened by growing Russian, Turkish and Arab influence, and tensions between them, the EU and the United States. The Bulgarian and Austrian rotating six-month EU presidencies mean to make the Balkans a priority throughout 2018.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Jenichen

AbstractIt is a common—often stereotypical—presumption that Europe is secular and America religious. Differences in international religious freedom and religious engagement policies on both sides of the Atlantic seem to confirm this “cliché.” This article argues that to understand why it has been easier for American supporters to institutionalize these policies than for advocates in the EU, it is important to consider the discursive structures of EU and US foreign policies, which enable and constrain political language and behavior. Based on the analysis of foreign policy documents, produced by the EU and the United States in their relationship with six religiously diverse African and Asian states, the article compares how both international actors represent religion in their foreign affairs. The analysis reveals similarities in the relatively low importance that they attribute to religion and major differences in how they represent the contribution of religion to creating and solving problems in other states. In sum, the foreign policies of both international actors are based on a secular discursive structure, but that of the United States is much more accommodative toward religion, including Islam, than that of the EU.


Significance He did not name a new prime minister. Over July 25-26, Saied dismissed Prime Minister Hicham Mechichi, dissolved his government, suspended parliament for 30 days, lifted parliamentary immunity and declared himself chief prosecutor, triggering Tunisia’s worst political crisis in a decade. Impacts The Ennahda party could be persecuted once again, this time on corruption charges, as the reconciliation offered excludes its members. Tunisia may become a new ideological battleground, pitting Turkey and Qatar against the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The EU, the United States and Algeria have some influence on Tunisia and could perhaps play a moderating role.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 295-311
Author(s):  
Matilde Lafuente-Lechuga ◽  
Úrsula Faura-Martínez ◽  
Olga García-Luque

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show evidence of the divergence of welfare outcomes in the European Union (EU) during the economic crisis, which made the European social model fail, and the convergence among European countries halt. This study reviews Sapir’s model for classifying European welfare state systems and adapts it to the new reality, taking into account Europe 2020 targets on poverty reduction and employment growth. Design/methodology/approach Two variables are used in the application of Sapir’s graphical analysis to European social models: the employment rate as efficiency indicator, and the people At Risk Of Poverty and/or Exclusion rate as equity indicator. Both efficiency and equity are present in Europe 2020 targets. In addition, a cluster analysis is applied. Findings The division of EU member states into four geopolitical social models has proved to be dynamic, changing in the period under analysis. As a consequence of the economic crisis and the fiscal consolidation, efficiency and equity levels across the EU are polarised between the Mediterranean and the Nordic models. Originality/value This paper shows the effects of the economic crisis in the EU, analysing the evolution between 2008 and 2014, and incorporating Eastern Europe new member states into the analysis.


Significance In 2020 the European Commission appointed a Chief Trade Enforcement Officer for the first time, signalling that Brussels is intent on enhancing its capacity to enforce standards agreed in trade deals. However, the EU's experience with South Korea suggests that holding trade partners to account over breaching standards will be difficult. Impacts Relations with trade partners could deteriorate if the EU is seen to be aggressive in enforcing its standards. Concern over China’s willingness to improve labour and environmental standards could impede ratification the EU-China investment agreement. The EU may be reluctant to sanction some partners, such as the United States, that breach labour or environmental standards.


Significance The government led by the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) is under mounting pressure as Slovenia prepares to take over the European Council presidency. This is due mainly to hostility in parliament and society to Prime Minister Janez Jansa, who promotes a popular but divisive form of national conservatism. Impacts A successful no-confidence vote in the government followed by early elections would complicate Slovenia’s handling of its EU presidency. The fall of the current government and its replacement by the centre-left would improve Slovenia’s relations with the EU and United States. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban would lose an ally at EU level if Jansa lost office.


Significance Government formation should have been relatively straightforward but a series of political controversies have damaged VVD leader and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte’s credibility with the CU and some opposition parties. Impacts The collective rise of the far-right vote means the far right will continue to worry centrist parties and thus influence government policy. Investment in nuclear energy to meet climate targets is unlikely to be a priority for the new government. Dutch influence in the EU could grow with the departure of Merkel in September, and Macron’s focus on the 2022 election.


Significance The United States has already committed, in an unprecedented deal with China in November 2014, to reducing its emissions to 26-28% below 2005 levels by 2025 (an improvement on its previous 17% goal). China in return pledged that its emissions would peak around 2030. This agreement is a game-changer for combating global climate change, since the two countries are the world's largest sources of carbon emissions, together accounting for 40% of the total, and were not covered under the now-expired Kyoto Protocol. Impacts Washington is poised to reclaim its place, lost after Kyoto, as a leader in global efforts against climate change. US-China climate cooperation initiatives could serve as templates for other developing countries. There are new opportunities for trilateral cooperation involving the EU. Fears that the bilateral agreement makes the UNFCCC obsolete are unwarranted, but it could preclude more ambitious efforts.


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