COVID-19 puts pressure on South Sudanese refugees

Subject The situation of South Sudanese refugees in Uganda. Significance When South Sudan’s warring parties signed a peace agreement in September 2018, there was hope that some of the country’s 4.5 million displaced people might begin to return home. Almost two years on, 4.3 million remain displaced. However, for communities such as the South Sudanese refugees in northern Uganda, the COVID-19 crisis is creating new sets of pressures, which could prompt new returns, albeit in undesirable circumstances. Impacts Uganda and South Sudan both face a rising risk of new desert locust infestations, which could further exacerbate food insecurity. COVID-19 restrictions have left many refugee camps with major staffing shortages, which will further impact on service delivery. COVID-19 in crowded UN protection of civilians sites will increase pressures from the government and UN for residents to return home.

Significance South Sudan is facing severe conflict and insecurity, a prolonged political crisis, and dire economic conditions. A peace agreement signed in August 2015 is falling apart, and fighting and violence during the past year has caused the number of South Sudanese refugees in Uganda to rise to 900,000 -- with a further 375,000 in Sudan and 287,000 in Ethiopia. Earlier this year, aid agencies declared a famine situation in several counties, and appealed for more humanitarian aid and improved access. Impacts Oil output is likely to remain at, or near, 130,000-160,000 barrels per day. Juba’s fiscal situation will remain precarious, with the government unable to secure loans from donors. Unrest and limited strikes over salary arrears could increase.


Subject Scandals in Uganda's refugee sector. Significance Once touted as a model for global refugee policy, Uganda’s refugee sector, which is already struggling financially, has been rocked by a series of recent scandals. Impacts Ongoing tensions around Congo’s elections will likely prompt heightened refugee flows in the coming months. Some South Sudanese refugees may return home following the September 2018 peace deal, but at best this will be slow and partial. If the scandal’s fallout undermines Uganda’s ability to support refugees, this could place additional burdens on other regional states.


Significance A 2018 peace agreement was meant to provide space for economic reform and recovery, but it has failed to deliver this. Moreover, the outlook for improvement remains poor. Impacts Many South Sudanese will remain reliant on international organisations to provide basic services. Corruption and mismanagement will deter foreign investment, including in the oil sector, the main source of government revenue. Despite a formal end to the conflict, persistent insecurity and the risk of further unrest will constrain the recovery.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-414
Author(s):  
Helen Jane Liebling ◽  
Hazel Rose Barrett ◽  
Lillian Artz

Purpose This British Academy/Leverhulme-funded research (Grant number: SG170394) investigated the experiences and impact of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and torture on South Sudanese refugees’ health and rights and the responses of health and justice services in Northern Uganda. Design/methodology/approach It involved thematic analysis of the narratives of 20 men and 41 women refugees’ survivors of SGBV and torture; this included their experiences in South Sudan, their journeys to Uganda and experiences in refugee settlements. In total, 37 key stakeholders including health and justice providers, police, non-government and government organisations were also interviewed regarding their experiences of providing services to refugees. Findings All refugees had survived human rights abuses carried out in South Sudan, on route to Uganda and within Uganda. Incidents of violence, SGBV, torture and other human rights abuses declined significantly for men in Uganda, but women reported SGBV incidents. The research demonstrates linkages between the physical, psychological, social/cultural and justice/human rights impact on women and men refugees, which amplified the impact of their experiences. There was limited screening, physical and psychological health and support services; including livelihoods and education. Refugees remained concerned about violence and SGBV in the refugee settlements. While they all knew of the reporting system for such incidents, they questioned the effectiveness of the process. For this reason, women opted for family reconciliation rather than reporting domestic violence or SGBV to the authorities. Men found it hard to report incidences due to high levels of stigma and shame. Research limitations/implications Refugees largely fled South Sudan to escape human rights abuses including, persecution, SGBV and torture. Their experiences resulted in physical, psychological, social-cultural and justice effects that received limited responses by health and justice services. An integrated approach to meeting refugees’ needs is required. Practical implications The authors make recommendations for integrated gender sensitive service provision for refugees including more systematic screening, assessment and treatment of SGBV and torture physical and emotional injuries combined with implementation of livelihoods and social enterprises. Social implications The research demonstrates that stigma and shame, particularly for male refugee survivors of SGBV and torture, impacts on ability to report these incidents and seek treatment. Increasing gender sensitivity of services to these issues, alongside provision of medical treatment for injuries, alongside improved informal justice processes, may assist to counteract shame and increase disclosure. Originality/value There is currently a lack of empirical investigation of this subject area, therefore this research makes a contribution to the subject of understanding refugees’ experiences of SGBV and torture, as well as their perceptions of service provision and response. This subject is strategically important due to the pressing need to develop integrated, gendered and culturally sensitive services that listen to the voices and draw on the expertise of refugees themselves while using their skills to inform improvements in service responses and policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Juan Dario Hernández ◽  
Juan Camilo Calderón ◽  
Iván Felipe Rodríguez ◽  
Jaime Andrés Bayona

Learning outcomes Identify the influence of contextual variables (i.e. politics) in the strategy of a military organisation. Analyse and evaluate strategic change options of a military organisation. Decide on a strategic change from the resources and capabilities model. Case overview/synopsis Colombia Aeronautics Industry Corporation (CIAC) is a Colombian mixed economy company that commercialises, maintains and repairs civil and military aircraft and aeronautical components. The case presents the decision that the manager must make regarding a change in corporate strategy because of the entry into force of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). This agreement assumes that the main line of business of the CIAC would be weakened (i.e. repair of military aircraft used in the internal armed conflict with FARC), because in a new peace scenario, the aircraft would not need as much maintenance as in the most critical stages of the conflict. Complexity academic level Master of Business Administration level (suggested courses: strategy, strategic management and organisational change). Undergraduate level (suggested courses: strategy and organisational change). Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email [email protected] to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 11: Strategy.


Subject Uganda's regional policy. Significance Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni on September 16 attended a series of meetings in Khartoum with incoming South Sudanese First Vice-President Riek Machar. Machar's spokesperson said that the main outcome was Uganda's assurance that it will withdraw its military (UPDF) from South Sudan as per the recent South Sudan peace agreement. The development reflects a wider context in which Uganda's regional clout is under strain. Impacts Military intervention in Somalia will exacerbate that country's spillover effects for insecurity in the wider region. The UPDF's role in AMISOM heightens Uganda's vulnerability to al-Shabaab attacks. However, Uganda will manage these better than Kenya, partly due to its long-term character as a security state.


Subject Tensions among South Sudanese political elites. Significance In January, President Salva Kiir accused his former army chief Paul Malong Awan of fomenting a new rebellion. Even if this latest escalation in the standoff between the former allies does not result in armed hostilities, it could still destabilise the government, as well as communal relations within South Sudan’s majority Dinka ethnic group, to which both men belong. Impacts Salary arrears could accelerate possible army fractures. Unrest in Greater Bahr el Ghazal could aggravate a fragile humanitarian situation. General malaise in government may see further political fissures emerge.


Subject Outlook for the Central African Republic's peace process. Significance Three months after signing a peace agreement with the country’s main armed groups, President Faustin-Archange Touadera continues to emphasise his commitment to the deal. However, some rebel groups have denounced the government’s concessions as insufficient. For their part, rebels seem more interested in further negotiations than implementing peace. This raises the risks that the flaws in the agreement could become increasingly exposed. Impacts Armed violence will likely continue until the new government is respected by all parties, which may prove challenging to achieve. A sustainable transition to peace will require credible measures for restorative justice, security-sector reform and economic recovery. The government will look to secure more financial and technical assistance from its regional and international partners.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-303
Author(s):  
Lotta Moberg ◽  
Sebastian Reil

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show how special economic zones (SEZs) can be applied to refugee camps. Zones are powerful tools for investors to act like institutional entrepreneurs, who promote institutional reform by pursuing exemptions from government constraints and taxes or by advocating for reform. Refugee SEZs (R-SEZs) would similarly allow for institutional entrepreneurs to promote broader immigration reform. Design/methodology/approach The authors apply a political economy framework to R-SEZs that explores the factors that make them feasible. A mathematical model is applied to explicitly define the conditions under which the zones could succeed in benefiting refugees, investors and the host economy alike. Findings Under certain conditions, appropriate tax rates can be applied to R-SEZs that make them feasible. Feasibility is determined by being beneficial for the host country while also attracting investors. The zones are feasible if they attract enough foreign investors as opposed to domestic investors. Other factors contributing to zone success are higher wages outside the zone, lower wages inside it, higher cost to the government of non-employed refugees, lower relocation cost for businesses and a higher tax rate outside the zone. Practical implications This policy would aim to provide job opportunities to refugees, profit opportunities to investors and lower net costs for the host government. R-SEZs should be considered by policy makers in countries hosting refugee camps. Just like the old model of SEZs, they can benefit workers while also enhancing the government’s budget. Social implications R-SEZs have the potential to alleviate the refugee crisis the world is facing, which is arguably one of the largest social challenges of our time. Originality/value This paper is the first to outline the political economy conditions for SEZs applied to refugee camps.


Significance They will probably discuss the final draft of the peace agreement between the two main rival political blocs: the pro-Islamist Libya Dawn bloc led by the Tripoli-based General National Congress (GNC) parliament, and the Tobruk-based House of Representatives (HoR) supported by the anti-Islamist Dignity bloc led by General Khalifa Haftar. Efforts to reach agreement on creating a single government -- the Government of National Accord (GNA) -- have been bulding over the past year. This has stoked rejectionists and spoilers on both sides, although an increase in local ceasefire initiatives has increased the prospects of a deal. Impacts Any new government would likely move quickly to sign deals with foreign companies on construction, electricity and water provision. However, it would likely be split between those preferring to work with European and Turkish or US and UK companies. Fragmentation and the need to meet urgent political deadlines, such as on the constitution, will hamper the GNA's effectiveness.


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