China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-166
Author(s):  
He Li

Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.

Politeia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-80
Author(s):  
Farhana Paruk

China’s foreign policy has been isolationist for most of the past 100 years.During the past 30 years it has gradually shifted to becoming a global power in international relations; in the process it has joined several multilateral organisations and played a key role in establishing its prominence within these organisations.This article focuses on China’s use of “soft power” to conscientiously and strategically enhance its global appeal. China’s diplomatic strategy uses multilateralism, economic diplomacy and a good-neighbour policy as three forms of soft power in order to increase its attractiveness in the international community and, together with its hard power, to manage its rise as a world power.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siyuan Li

PurposeChina's Confucius Institutes (CIs) have been under increasing scrutiny in the West while their development in Africa has been steady and strong. This article aims to examine the establishment, operation and effects of this institute in Africa, and discuss its role in a wider context of education, development and China's foreign policy towards Africa.Design/methodology/approachThis empirical research is a case study of China's Confucius Institutes in Africa. Fieldwork data was collected in China and seven CIs in four African countries.FindingsThis research found that the CIs were not just Chinese language and culture promotion organisations in Africa. Rather, they played a deeper and more profound role in training local individuals, involving them in different forms of Chinese presence in Africa and linking their own personal development with the rise of China. In that sense, this article argues that the CI plays a positive role in promoting China's soft power and national interest in Africa. This article also highlights the problems of the institute's operational mode, and casts doubt on some aspects of its future development.Originality/valueThis research systematically examines the establishment, operation and effects of the CIs in Africa, in an attempt to understand the real role of this institute in China's foreign policy towards Africa and demonstrate the uniqueness of the situation of the CIs in Africa.


2020 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Tetyana Meteliova ◽  
Vira Chghen

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.


1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Stone ◽  
Liu Binyan

This paper examines the foreign policy priorities and concerns of the People's Republic of China as expressed by that nation's official international, English language publication, China Daily. The paper argues that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, the official Chinese press can be a useful tool in assessing Chinese foreign policy priorities as result of its propaganda function. Within this paradigm, it finds that China's primary foreign policy priorities are sovereignty and territorial integrity and that China considers itself primarily a regional rather than a global power. It concludes that China's foreign policy is driven by pragmatism rather than ideology because of China's domestic project of economic development.


Author(s):  
Thomas J. Christensen

This chapter examines the Sino-Soviet split and its implications for the United States' policies in Asia, Europe, and the Americas during the period 1956–1964. Coordination and comity in the communist camp peaked between 1953 and 1957, but alliance between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) was relatively short-lived. This was caused by ideological differences, distrust, and jealous rivalries for international leadership between Nikita Khrushchev and Mao Zedong. The chapter explains what caused the strain in Sino-Soviet relations, and especially the collapse of Sino-Soviet military and economic cooperation. It also considers the effects of the Sino-Soviet disputes on third-party communists in Asia, China's foreign policy activism, and the catalytic effect of the Sino-Soviet split on Soviet foreign policy.


Subject Prospects for South-east Asia in the fourth quarter. Significance South-east Asia's growth outlook is weakening as unease over the region's dependence on the slowing Chinese economy and growing debt burden is undermining business and consumer confidence. Politically, the fourth quarter will see two bellwether elections.


Significance Singapore was chosen to host the meeting because it has ties to both countries, which view it as neutral turf, while the event resonates with the city-state’s foreign policy interests. Impacts ASEAN would view the summit as underscoring its centrality in the regional security architecture. If the summit takes place and is successful, the leaders of Japan and Russia will seek their own high-level meetings with Kim. Trump may be reluctant to travel to Singapore again in November to attend the East Asia Summit.


Subject China's foreign policy machinery. Significance China has a more assertive foreign policy doctrine than it had even just ten years ago. Beijing's 1980s-90s maxim of 'hide your light and bide your time' gave way to the 'peaceful rise' of the 2000s. President Xi Jinping has, in turn, refashioned this as part of the 'Great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation'. Impacts Rising Chinese investment and aid will increase favourable views of China and political support for Beijing, but not consistently. If China were better able to clarify its foreign policy goals, fewer people and states would view it with caution. China’s international media presence will improve its image and its influence, though some countries will be more receptive than others.


Significance Jakarta has repeatedly protested Chinese incursions into its EEZ. At the same time, China and Indonesia have burgeoning economic ties. Impacts ASEAN membership will remain the cornerstone of Indonesia’s foreign policy. Indonesia’s main challenge in the medium term will be to contain the spread of COVID-19 and spur post-pandemic economic recovery. Political Islam will be increasingly influential under the current Indonesian government.


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