On Morality, Self‐interest and Foreign Policy

2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Brown

A Change Of Government In Britain Does Not Necessarily Imply a change in foreign policy, but when Robin Cook entered the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in May 1997 it was with the ambition of bringing about a break with the past. The FCO was endowed for the first time with a ‘Mission Statement’, in which spreading the values of human rights, civil liberties and democracy (‘mutual respect’) was described as a benefit to be secured through foreign policy; the new Foreign Secretary elaborated this ambition at the launch of the Mission Statement, asserting: The Labour Government does not accept that political values can be left behind when we check in our passports to travel on diplomatic business. Our foreign policy must have an ethical dimension and must support the demands of other peoples for the democratic rights on which we insist for ourselves. We will put human rights at the heart of our foreign policy.

Author(s):  
Darrel Moellendorf

This chapter notes that normative International Political Theory (IPT) developed over the past several decades in response to political, social, and economic events. These included the globalization of trade and finance, the increasing credibility of human-rights norms in foreign policy, and a growing awareness of a global ecological crisis. The emergence of normative IPT was not simply an effort to understand these events, but an attempt to offer accounts of what the responses to them should be. Normative IPT, then, was originally doubly responsive to the real world. Additionally, this chapter argues that there is a plausible account of global egalitarianism, which takes the justification of principles of egalitarian justice to depend crucially on features of the social and economic world. The account of global egalitarianism applies to the current circumstances in part because of features of those circumstances.


Author(s):  
Ian Loveland

This chapter considers how the UK constitution’s approach to the issue of civil liberties and human rights has changed in the past fifteen to twenty years. It starts by discussing the judicial incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights and the difficulties domestic courts had in applying the Convention directly. The subsequent idea of Parliament enacting a statute giving Convention articles a superior status to common law rules, and Members of the House of Lords promoting private members’ Bills intended to give domestic legal effect to the ECHR are examined. The chapter goes onto discuss the re-emergence and consolidation of fundamental human rights as an indigenous principle of common law; and the ‘judicial supremacism’ controversy.


1961 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Richard Lowenthal

The policy declaration and the appeal to the peoples of the world adopted last December by the Moscow conference of eighty-one Communist parties mark the end of one phase in the dispute between the leaderships of the ruling parties of China and the Soviet Union—the phase in which the followers of Mao for the first time openly challenged the standing of the Soviet Communists as the fountain-head of ideological orthodoxy for the world movement. But the “ideological dispute” which began in April was neither a sudden nor a self-contained development: it grew out of acute differences between the two Communist Great Powers over concrete diplomatic issues, and it took its course in constant interaction with the changes in Soviet diplomatic tactics. Hence the total impact of that phase on Soviet foreign policy on one side, and on the ideology, organisation and strategy of international Communism on the other, cannot be evaluated from an interpretation of the Moscow documents alone, but only from a study of the process as a whole, as it developed during the past year on both planes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1(50)) ◽  
pp. 155-165
Author(s):  
Nadezhda N. Bektimirova ◽  

The article evaluates the prospects of Cambodia-USA relations under President Joe Biden’s administration. The author shows that traditionally relations have been developing unevenly. Over the past decade the shape of bilateral relations has been strongly influenced by a third party – China. Cambodia’s close cooperation with China is viewed negatively by US officials. Since Cambodia’s foreign policy agenda for the next three years is highly likely to be determined by the country’s electoral cycles, Hun Sen has little room for manoeuvre, given the USA’s support of Cambodian opposition parties and harsh criticism of human rights in Cambodia. Under these circumstances Hun Sen feels compelled to increasingly lean towards China.


Author(s):  
Sarah Bermeo

Industrialized states find it increasingly difficult to insulate themselves from spillovers associated with underdevelopment abroad. In a globalizing world many concerns caused or enhanced by underdevelopment—migration, political instability, violence, refugee flows, trafficking in persons and illicit substances, spread of disease, lawlessness and its ability to provide havens for terrorists and criminals, pollution, and others—are not confined within national borders. Industrialized states, unable to protect themselves from the impact of events in developing countries, have responded with a strategy of targeted development: pursuing development abroad when and where it serves their own self-interest. This book examines the emergence of targeted development as an important foreign policy goal of wealthy states. Through historical comparisons, the development of a formal model, and empirical analysis of foreign aid, trade agreements, and climate finance, the book demonstrates that targeted development has emerged as an important component of foreign policy across multiple issue areas linking industrialized and developing countries. These findings show a rising importance for development in foreign policy and have implications for understanding which countries are likely to be left behind by globalization, the role of international institutions in promoting development, and the study of effectiveness for development policies.


1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Jeanne Rossignol

The term “isolationism,” still used today in discussions of contemporary United States policy, is “ fittingly…identified with a revulsion against the entanglements of world war.” For analysts using this concept, isolationism means American withdrawal from political connections with the rest of the world (no treaties and permanent alliances) and idealism in foreign policy (no secret clauses or deals). They consider that it has characterized American foreign policy since the first president took office and was expressed in Washington's Farewell Address in 1796 for the first time. Although the term appeared only in 1922, it is thus applied to early American foreign policy, as Lawrence S. Kaplan does in the chapter entitled “Toward isolationism: the Rise and Fall of the Franco-American Alliance 1775–1801” of hisEntangling Alliances with None: American Foreign Policy in the Age of Jefferson. According to Kaplan, this speech “became an enduring symbol of America's isolation,” and he defines early “isolationism” as follows: “…a freedom to enjoy access to all ports interested in receiving American products. It meant further a freedom from subservience to any foreign power, of the kind which had forced them into the service of a maternal economy or of dynastic wars in the past. Finally, it extended to a self-image of virtue and innocence that would be protected by advancing principles of peaceful relationships among nations.”Even if one thinks, like Albert K. Weinberg, that “isolationism” is a “poor theory,” which “has placed the discussion of American foreign policy in a sad predicament of obfuscation,” one has to admit with him that “mere scholars can change no social habit.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (9) ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
N. Pavlov

In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a “special relationship”. Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow’s place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to “peaceful coexistence”. This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin’s pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.


Author(s):  
Steve Foster

The Concentrate Questions and Answers series offer the best preparation for tackling exam questions. Each book includes typical questions, diagram answer plans, caution advice, suggested answers, illustrative diagrams and flowcharts and advice on gaining extra marks. Q&A Human Rights and Civil Liberties offers expert advice on what to expect from your human rights and civil liberties exam, how best to prepare, and guidance on what examiners are really looking for. Written by experienced examiners, it provides: clear commentary with each question and answer; bullet point and diagram answer plans; tips to make your answer really stand out from the crowd; and further reading suggestions at the end of every chapter. The book should help you to: identify typical law exam questions; structure a first-class answer; avoid common mistakes; show the examiner what you know; make your answer stand out from the crowd; and find relevant further reading. This chapter covers prisoners’ rights, including their protection in domestic law and under the ECHR, and their application to matters such as the right to life, freedom from inhuman and degrading treatment, and the democratic rights of prisoners.


GYMNASIUM ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol XVIII (2) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Vasile-Cătălin Savu ◽  
Petronel Moisescu

In the opinion of the specialists, the technique was left behind by the speed of the game and a reassessment and a readaptation of the methods and operational means must be initiated from children and Juniors stage, in order to recreate the way and access to great performance of new exceptional generations in football. On analyzing the technique of the game, we will find totally different evolutions compared to the past, when it was much more static and we do not mean the senior teams, but to groups of juniors who are starting to play football for the first time on a field with specific dimensions following the laws of the game. Currently, the technique is expressed through velocity, in constant motion, with almost permanent opposition from the opponent, having reached unimaginable values in the recent past. Technique is now complex, rapid, adequate to the varied game situations and with a permanent opposition.


Author(s):  
Carlos E. Segade Alonso

Resumen: En 1952 sale a la luz la revista Ateneo como órgano de difusión cultural dependiente de la Dirección General de Información. Su misión era la de motivar la unidad intelectual de España, concitar la adhesión al régimen de los intelectuales y promocionar los valores de la monarquía católica leal a los principios del Movimiento. En consonancia  con el pensamiento reaccionario tradicional, Ateneo criticó cualquier manifestación y herencia del pasado régimen parlamentario y liberal. Este artículo estudia cómo se materializaban esas críticas en servicio y exaltación de los valores políticos subyacentes bajo el franquismo.Palabras clave: Ateneo, liberalismo, franquismo, nacional-catolicismo, revistas culturales.Abstract: In 1952 the journal Ateneo is published for its first time. It will have a role as a medium to spread the official cultural values as part of the governmental Information Agency. They will have the mission to promote Spanish intellectual unity by encouraging intellectuals to support  Franco’s regime and promoting the values of a Catholic Monarchy loyal to the principles of the Movement. In tune with the traditional reactionary thought, Ateneo criticised any manifestation and inheritance of the past liberal and parliamentarian regime. This paper analyses how this criticism was materialised and used to praise the underlying political values of Francoism.Keywords: Ateneo, liberalism, Francoism, national-Catholicism, cultural journals.


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