Differences in cortisol concentrations in South Asian and European men living in the United Kingdom

2006 ◽  
Vol 64 (5) ◽  
pp. 530-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca M. Reynolds ◽  
Colin Fischbacher ◽  
Raj Bhopal ◽  
Christopher D. Byrne ◽  
Martin White ◽  
...  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meghan K. Shirley ◽  
Tim J. Cole ◽  
Owen J. Arthurs ◽  
Chris A. Clark ◽  
Jonathan C.K. Wells

1990 ◽  
Vol 122 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-369
Author(s):  
S. Gunasingam

Since the time South Asia, together with other Asian and African countries, became an integral part of the British Empire, the significance of manuscripts, published works and other artefacts, relating to those regions has stimulated continued appreciation in the United Kingdom, albeit with varying degrees of interest. It is interesting to note that the factors which have contributed in one way or another to the collecting of South Asian I material for British institutions vary in their nature, and thus illuminate the attitudes of different periods. During the entire nineteenth century, the collectors were primarily administrators; for most of the first half of the twentieth century, it was the interest and the needs of British universities that led to the accumulation of substantial holdings in many academic or specialist libraries.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Hensel ◽  
Mya Krishnan ◽  
Katie Saunders ◽  
Nazia Durrani ◽  
John Rose

2001 ◽  
Vol 4 (2b) ◽  
pp. 647-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
J Landman ◽  
JK Cruickshank

AbstractObjectives:To identify lessons from and gaps in research on diet-disease links among former migrants in the United Kingdom (UK).Results:Migrant status and self-identified ethnicity do not match so these terms mask differences in social, nutritional and health status within and between population groups. Some former migrants differ in causes of death from the general population, e.g.: fewer coronary heart disease deaths among Caribbean-born; fewer cancer deaths among Caribbean, South Asian- and East African-born adults. Irish- and Scottish-born have higher mortality from all causes. Experience of risk factors differ also, e.g.: higher prevalences of hypertension and diabetes in Caribbean- and South Asian-born adults than representative samples of the general population; obesity and raised waist-hip circumference ratios in South Asian, African-Caribbean and some Irish-born adults. Former migrants experience long-term disadvantage, associated with more self-defined illness and lower reported physical activity. Nutrient intake data from the few, recent, small-scale studies must be interpreted with caution due to methodological diversity. However, second generation offspring of former migrants appear to adopt British dietary patterns, increasing fat and reducing vegetable, fruit and pulse consumption compared with first generation migrants.Conclusions:There is insufficient evidence on why some former migrants but not others experience lower specific mortality than the general population. Dietary intake variations provide important clues particularly when examined by age and migration status. Majority ethnic and younger migrant groups could raise and sustain high fruit and vegetable intakes but lower proportions of fat, by adopting many dietary practices from older migrants. Objective measures of physical activity and longitudinal studies of diets among different ethnic groups are needed to explain diversity in health outcomes and provide for evidence-based action.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxime Inghels ◽  
Ros Kane ◽  
Priya Lall ◽  
David Nelson ◽  
Zahid Asghar ◽  
...  

Abstract Black and South Asian healthcare workers have been found at higher risk of SARS-CoV-2 infection in the United Kingdom. However, many studies do not consider all potential confounders (e.g., professional exposure, living environment) and those conducted during the second wave of the COVID-19 outbreak remain scarce. Using 1-year-folow-up data from a cohort of 13,366 healthcare workers employed in 119 facilities in Lincolnshire, we aimed to quantify the risk of SARS-CoV-2 infection among ethnic minority healthcare staff and to elucidate pathways of infection. Overall, 1258 individuals (9.4%) recorded a positive SARS-CoV-2 test during the observation period, incidence per person-year was 5.2% [Cluster adjusted 95% CI: 3.6–7.6%] during the first COVID-19 wave (Jan-Aug 2020) and 17.2% [13.5–22.0%] during the second wave (Sep 2020-Feb 2021). Compared to Whites, Black and South Asian employees were at higher risk of SARS-CoV-2 infection during both the first wave (Clustered adjusted Hazard Ratio, 1.58 [0.91-2.75] and 1.69 [1.07-2.66] respectively) and the second wave (HR 2.09 [1.57-2.76] and 1.46 [1.24-1.71]). Higher risk of SARS-CoV-2 infection significantly persisted even after controlling on age, gender, pay grade, residence environment, type of work and time exposure at work. Higher adjusted risk of SARS-CoV-2 infection were also found among lower-paid health professionals. Black and South Asian health workers continue to be more exposed to SARS-CoV-2 infection compared to their white counterparts. Urgent interventions are required to reduce SARS-CoV-2 exposure with these ethnic groups.


Author(s):  
Rakesh Kaushal ◽  
Chris Newbold

Mela in the United Kingdom has become, in its short thirty year history, one of the most popular forms of festival entertainment. The word ‘mela’ itself, is based on the Sanskrit, meaning a community gathering or meeting, and in its many forms mela in the UK has remained true to this broad sense of people, families and communities congregating together in an atmosphere of festivity. At its roots, mela in the UK has evolved out of South Asian religious rites and rituals, and can also be seen to be built on South Asian folk and rural culture and traditions. However, at the core of the definition of mela is the notion of a gathering. This is most appropriate here in that it does not necessarily refer to any mono-cultural or religious focus, and is important when we observe how mela has ‘travelled’ and become ‘habituated’ in the UK. Carnegie and Smith (2006) identify Edinburgh Mela as having travelled but in this chapter, whilst recognising the travelled nature of mela that they refer to, we indicate that it is the habituated nature of mela that more clearly identifies its nature and existence in the UK. Therefore, this chapter will document that, after 25 to 30 years, mela in the UK can be seen to be adopting its own traditions and connotations. Moreover, by the very nature of the modern diverse British population, mela is now largely urbanised and many continue to reflect South Asian religious festivals, be they Boishakhi Melas (Brick Lane London), Holi Hai Melas (Oxford) or Eid Melas (Birmingham), but others have lost touch with these roots as the demands of festival and cultural event management and venue availability have led to other requirements taking priority. The focus of the research presented here is concerned with the manifestation of mela in the UK and, in particular, how it has adapted to the various town and city locations in which it is now a fundamental part of the cultural events calendar. The importance of mela in terms of economic impact and tourism may be one reason why mela is popular with local authorities.


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