The Policy Impact of Defeats in the House of Lords

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meg Russell ◽  
Maria Sciara
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Policy Impact ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Liberal Democrats ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Key Policy ◽  
The Government

Since its reform in 1999, no political party commands an overall majority in the House of Lords. The chamber appears to feel more confident, and government defeats there are common. Earlier studies have shown why the government faces defeats in the Lords, concluding that it is usually the Liberal Democrats that hold the balance of power. Here we analyse the lasting policy impact of Lords defeats. We find that far from being routinely reversed in the House of Commons, many Lords defeats are substantially accepted. Furthermore, many of these are on key policy issues. We also examine which factors are associated with a Lords ‘win’ on legislation, finding that obvious factors such as the size of the majority against the government are not significant. We conclude that the Lords is an important policy actor and should be taken more seriously, but that its ability to make policy gains remains unpredictable.

Isaac Butt and the Home Rule Movement: A Study in Conservative Nationalism

1960 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-95
Author(s):  
Lawrence J. McCaffrey
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
British History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Eventual Collapse

The formation of the Irish Home Rule movement was a significant factor in influencing subsequent Irish and British history. Irish Federalism produced a political party that often controlled the balance of power in the House of Commons; split the Liberal party on the question of Irish self-government, a prelude to its eventual collapse; secured extensive agrarian reform for Irish tenant farmers, the first serious blow to traditional property rights in the British Isles; and was instrumental in destroying the political power of the House of Lords.

John Redmond and federalism in 1910

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 343-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wheatley
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
Weekly Journal ◽  
Political Radicalism

In early August 1910 readers of Reynolds’s Newspaper, a radical weekly journal noted as much for its detailed coverage of divorce court proceedings as for its political radicalism (and in 1911 one of the ‘immoral’ English Sunday papers targeted by Irish ‘vigilance committees’), may have perused the weekly political column written by T.P. O’Connor. ‘T.P.’, the M.P. for Liverpool Scotland, was anything but a disinterested columnist, and with John Redmond, John Dillon and Joseph Devlin formed the inner leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and Ireland’s nationalist movement.Throughout the political crisis of early 1910 O’Connor had been the main London-based conduit for communications between the Irish Party and Asquith’s cabinet, and in particular Lloyd George and the Liberal chief whip, the Master of Elibank. The outcome of the January 1910 general election, which had given the balance of power in the House of Commons to the Irish nationalists, and John Redmond’s use of that power to force Asquith to act to end the veto powers of the House of Lords over parliamentary legislation, had enhanced both Redmond’s status in Ireland and the importance of home rule as an issue that had to be resolved.

The Franklin search in Parliament

Polar Record ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 32 (182) ◽  
pp. 209-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian R. Stone
Keyword(s):  
House Of Commons ◽  
Main Subject ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACTThe record of Parliamentary proceedings relating to the Franklin search covers the period 1848–1863. The main subject of discussion was the need for the government to mount search expeditions, while topics such as rewards for successful expeditions and the question of the provision of monuments to Sir John Franklin also occupied Parliamentary time. Interest in the matter among Members of Parliament crossed party boundaries. Most of the activity was in the House of Commons rather than in the House of Lords, because the former House had control of expenditure. A further reason was that the government was more exposed to questioning in the House of Commons, because, for most of the period, the First Lord of the Admiralty was a member of that House. Lady Franklin also had a wider range of acquaintance in the House of Commons and was able to conduct a lobbying campaign using it as a medium.

10. EU Legislation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ed Beale ◽  
Libby Kurien ◽  
Eve Samson
Keyword(s):  
Direct Access ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Eu Legislation ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the ways in which the UK Parliament formally constrains the government and engages with European Union (EU) institutions. The House of Lords and the House of Commons both have processes to ensure that legislation proposed at the EU level has been properly reviewed before it takes effect in UK law. The ‘scrutiny reserve’, which stipulates that ministers should not agree to proposals under scrutiny, is used to elicit information about the government's negotiating position. Parliament also has a role in examining EU legislation and providing direct access to European institutions. The chapter first provides an overview of the EU legislative process, focusing on three principal EU institutions: member states, the European Parliament (EP), and the European Commission. It also considers the formal role of national parliaments in the EU legislative process, the UK Parliament's scrutiny of the EU legislation and its effectiveness, and parliamentary scrutiny after Brexit.

The politics of the enabling act (1919)

1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 383-392
Author(s):  
David M. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Single Person ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Continuous Stream ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Success ◽  
A Current

I doubt whether any event in the constitutional history of Church and State (wrote Randall Davidson in February 1921) has ever been wrought out with so little friction, and on so smooth a current as this great change ... I think it is indisputable that if we had failed in December 1919 to get through Parliament what is popularly known as the Enabling Bill, we might have waited for it for many a long year with increasing and most harmful loss of enthusiasm, and growth of irritation among the progressive groups. Instead of this we have had a continuous stream of praise and thankful gratulation at the way in which the new system has begun to work.These words are a useful reminder that contemporaries were surprised at the easy passage of the enabling act, and that its success therefore requires explanation. The ‘rightness of the cause’ has tended to obscure the fact that right causes often fail. Moreover subsequent criticisms of the act, and particularly the disappointment of the life and liberty movement with what followed, have tended to minimise the significance of the changes it made. Nevertheless the charisma of William Temple and Dick Sheppard seems to have led even the critics to attribute the act’s success to the life and liberty movement; viscount Wolmer’s church self-government association has been relegated to the sidelines; and the verdict of bishop Bell (who in 1919 was Davidson’s chaplain) that ‘Its achievement was due to Randall Davidson more than to any other single person’ has been forgotten. In this paper I shall argue that the political success of the enabling act requires a political explanation, that parliamentary tactics in both the house of commons and the house of lords are therefore of prime importance, and that the significance of the success is enhanced by a fact which has never been discussed before - the initial opposition of the government of the day.

The Role of Select Committees

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meg Russell ◽  
Daniel Gover
Keyword(s):  
Smoking Ban ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Select Committee ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Legislation

This chapter explores the various means by which specialist select committees in both the House of Commons and House of Lords interact with and influence government legislation. The development of select committees is widely seen as important at Westminster, having encouraged greater expertise and specialization among members, and cross-party work. Yet the select committees have only a limited formal role in the legislative process, because the ‘committee stage’ occurs elsewhere. Nonetheless, this chapter shows extensive select committee influence on the 12 case study bills. The committees can be important to setting the policy agenda, informing members, influencing debate, encouraging amendments, and—potentially—supporting the government. This particularly applies to the constitutional committees in the House of Lords, and select committees conducting pre-legislative scrutiny of draft bills. However, other committees can also be important, as demonstrated by the Commons Health Committee’s intervention over the smoking ban in the Health Bill (2005–06).

Reforms will strengthen policy implementation in China

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Debt Burden ◽  
Key Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Subject Reforms to the relationship betwen central and local government in China. Significance The government last month issued two blueprints for a sweeping reorganisation of the country's bureaucracy (here and here, links in Chinese). They include policies that significantly alter the balance of power between central and local government institutions. These aim to overcome foot-dragging and poor policy implementation at local levels by improving incentives and supervision, and eliminating overlapping responsibilities and conflicts of interest. Impacts With the backing of an increasingly powerful Xi, much of the agenda is likely to be implemented. In key policy areas such as the environment, local bureaus should have more reliable access to funding. New taxes and constraints on borrowing should strengthen local government finances and help reduce their debt burden. Local governments may have less leeway to offer business incentives such as tax breaks and other regulatory incentives.

Coal Policy Developments in the 1990s

1995 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 377-384
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Land Use ◽  
British Columbia ◽  
Land Use Planning ◽  
Mining Company ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Mining Areas ◽  
Mineral Sector ◽  
Public Risk ◽  
Key Policy ◽  
The Government

Taxation, reclamation, and land use planning will be the three most important coal policy issues in British Columbia over the rest of the decade. British Columbia has reduced its profit-based taxes twice in the last five years in response to falling revenues, an increasing nonprofit tax burden, and falling coal prices. British Columbia's reclamation policy is meant to ensure that a mining company pays for reclamation of its minesite when mining is completed. For the coal sector, reclamation standards, acceptable security instruments, and the level of public risk are key policy issues that governments will have to confront. British Columbia has developed a process to resolve contentious land use issues through forward planning and public consensus. The mineral sector must limit the loss of access to potential mining areas while the government pursues its goal of doubling the size of protected areas.

10. The House of Lords

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-228
Author(s):  
Anne Dennett
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
The Public ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government

This chapter studies the House of Lords. The membership of the House of Lords largely relies on patronage. Members of the Lords come from a variety of backgrounds with wide-ranging expertise, and are appointed by the Queen on the Prime Minister's advice. They can be nominated by political parties, by the public, or by themselves. The House of Lords is an important revising and scrutinising chamber, but it is also subordinate to the democratically elected House of Commons. The Lords' main functions are scrutinising and challenging the government, investigating and debating issues of public interest, and scrutinising and revising legislation. While it respects the primacy of the Commons, the House of Lords is also a check on constitutional change by the Commons. The chapter then looks at the Parliament Act 1911, which established the Commons' primacy over the House of Lords.

Salisbury and the Lords, 1868–1895

1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinne C. Weston
Keyword(s):  
House Of Commons ◽  
First Category ◽  
The People ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Government ◽  
Prevailing View

During the period from the Reform Act of 1832 to the early 1880s, when a change set in, the house of lords was perceptibly weaker than the house of commons. The prevailing view of its position, accepted for the most part even by the peers themselves, was expressed in Walter Bagehot's highly influential English constitution (1867, rev. 1872), where the house of lords is described as safe from rough destruction but not from inner decay, the danger coming not so much from assassination as atrophy, not from abolition but decline. This description drew on Bagehot's distinction between the dignified and efficient parts of the constitution. The house of lords belonged to the first category: that house in its dignified capacity inspired a reverence in the people that attached them to the government. Yet, paradoxically, in view of the great respect for the aristocracy, the house of lords had been subordinate as a legislative chamber to the house of commons even before the Reform Act of 1832; and since then this subordination had grown ever more pronounced.

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