Intergovernmental Relations in the UK: Co-Operation, Competition and Constitutional Change

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Gallagher
Keyword(s):  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
The Uk

Brexit and the English Question

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Tierney
Keyword(s):  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Coherent System ◽  
Inadequate Response ◽  
Asymmetric System ◽  
Recent Introduction ◽  
The Uk

The chapter examines Brexit and the English question, arguing that Brexit should be understood as a result of the ongoing demotic process in England. As Tierney explains, the UK is an asymmetric system. England alone constitutes population-wise almost four-fifths of the UK. This has influenced devolution: while since the 1990s power has transferred outwards towards the devolved nations, England herself has never received equivalent constitutional autonomy, or recognition, within the UK. Proposals for regional devolution within England, transferring powers to nationwide cities, have also failed. the recent introduction within the House of Common of the principle ‘English Votes for English Laws’—allowing only MPs elected in English constituencies to vote on laws concerning England alone, thus overcoming the well-known West Lothian question—is also an inadequate response to ever-increasing nationalistic views. To address this situation post-Brexit, Tierney concludes that constitutional reform is necessary, entrenching a coherent system of intergovernmental relations.

scholarly journals Between intergovernmental relations and paradiplomacy: Wales and the Brexit of the regions

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Hunt ◽  
Rachel Minto
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Awareness Raising ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Domestic Level

The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) is an assertion of UK nation-state sovereignty. Notwithstanding this state-centrism, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have distinct interests to protect as part of the Brexit negotiations. This article explores how the interests of one regional case, Wales, were accommodated in the pre-negotiation phase, at a domestic level—through intergovernmental structures—and an EU level through paradiplomacy. We explore the structures for sub-state influence, Wales’ engagement with these structures and what has informed its approach. We argue that Wales’ behaviour reflects its positioning as a ‘Good Unionist’ and a ‘Good European’. Despite the weakness of intra-UK structures, Wales has preferred to pursue policy influence at a UK (not an EU) level. In Brussels, regional interests inform the context for Brexit. Here, Wales has focused on awareness-raising, highlighting that the UK Government does not command the ‘monopoly on perspectives’ towards Brexit in the United Kingdom.

scholarly journals Making politics educational: the experience of the Scottish referendum on independence

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Crowther
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Opting Out ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Scottish Government ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Unusual Situation

<p class="Body1">In 2014 the issue of constitutional change in the UK brought about by an agreement between the UK and Scottish Government, for a referendum on Scottish independence, created the motivation for widespread political engagement with the formal political process. Scottish citizens – including newly enfranchised 16 and 17 year olds – were debating, discussing and disagreeing about opting out of one of the world’s richest countries. This was an unusual situation and one that nearly happened despite a hostile corporate, political and mainstream media response to the demand for independence. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that this movement for change was the result of narrow-minded nationalism. Although the Referendum result was that Scotland should remain in the UK the process also produced widespread politicization of ordinary people. The cultural politics of communities had engaged with the political culture of the state and the dialectic between the two generated educational experiences and opened up new political possibilities.</p><div><p class="Body1"> </p></div>

Epilogue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hearn
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk

The epilogue pulls back from the study presented to place it in the context of general patterns of national identity and recent and on going constitutional change in the UK. It explores how this case study relates to recent political events that have happened since the time of fieldwork, including the Scottish Independence Referendum of 2014, the UK Brexit Referendum of 2016, and the changing compositions of party systems in Scotland and the UK as a whole. It suggests that these events, like the formation of HBOS and its crisis, reflect deep and rapid economic, political and social changes, and illustrate the human struggle to make sense of and act towards an often imponderable future.

Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
The Uk

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.

Fair Division or Fair Dinkum? Australian Lessons for Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in the United Kingdom

10.1068/c38m ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Kay ◽  
Gillian Bristow ◽  
Mark McGovern ◽  
David Pickernell
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Type System ◽  
Fair Division ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Capita Expenditure ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Uk

Current arguments in Australia concerning horizontal fiscal equalisation may help inform the debate in the United Kingdom concerning possible changes to the Barnett formula and the establishment of financial relations with any regional governments in England. Although Australia is a long-established federation, with mature institutions for managing the financial aspects of intergovernmental relations, the most populous states are now pushing for a per-capita-based system to replace the existing formula—based on needs and costs—overseen by the independent Commonwealth Grants Commission. This has important implications for the United Kingdom, where the Barnett formula—a per capita system for deciding annual changes in the funding for the devolved administrations—has been increasingly challenged. In particular, the Barnett system has been vulnerable to nontransparent ‘formula-bypass’ agreements. We argue that the status quo in the United Kingdom appears secure as long as England remains a single entity and the UK Treasury sees the financial implications of larger per capita expenditure in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland as relatively small. However, we speculate that regionalisation of government in England would be likely to increase the pressure: to abandon the Barnett system; to look more systematically at need and cost, rather than population, as criteria for allocating funds between governments; and to move towards an Australian-type system. However, the recent experience of Australia also shows that larger states prefer a per-capita-based system allied to more political, less transparent, arrangements to deal with ‘special circumstances’. It may be that a Barnett-type formula would suit the new ‘dominant states’ in a fully federalised United Kingdom which would, ironically, create an alliance of interests between Scotland and London.

Publics, Elites and Constitutional Change in the UK

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kenealy ◽  
Jan Eichhorn ◽  
Richard Parry ◽  
Lindsay Paterson ◽  
Alexandra Remond
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Change ◽  
The Uk

scholarly journals Releasing the Lockerbie Bomber: National Interests, Intergovernmental Relations and Para-Diplomacy

2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 411-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kenealy
Keyword(s):  
International Politics ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Comprehensive Account ◽  
Subsequent Investigation ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Uk

In his recent book The Lockerbie Bombing: The Search for Justice, Kenny MacAskill recounts his decision to release Abdelbaset Al-Megrahi, the only man convicted of the Lockerbie bombing. Eight years have passed since Al-Megrahi's release on compassionate grounds. In the book MacAskill ranges far beyond the events in which he was closely involved, recounting the bombing itself, the subsequent investigation, trial and appeals in an effort to offer a comprehensive account of the Lockerbie bombing. In this article I review the book and return to some of the key issues raised by MacAskill's decision and the broader context in which it was made. I argue that the book sheds little new light on Lockerbie and that it falls short in precisely the areas where MacAskill might have the most insight to offer. It is a rather bloodless and legalistic account that renders the complexities and the shades of grey of international politics in black and white. The case will nevertheless remain fascinating to scholars of intergovernmental relations in the UK, of para-diplomacy, and of international politics.

Intergovernmental Relations

2020 ◽  
pp. 564-583
Author(s):  
Jim Gallagher
Keyword(s):  
Path Dependence ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Future Trends ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Competitive Relations ◽  
Intergovernmental Competition ◽  
Competitive Federalism

Intergovernmental relations between the Scottish and UK governments are conditioned by path dependence from the pre-devolution arrangements, for example, in finance. They are also conditioned by the UK’s (uncodified) constitutional arrangements, such that the Sewel Convention has played a role, one which its authors might not have contemplated. Models of dual, co-operative, and competitive federalism are used to analyse the changing nature of intergovernmental relations. A dual federalism mode, under which governments get on with their own business, has developed into a mixture of co-operative and competitive relations. Achievements of co-operation include day-to-day official co-operation, but also intergovernmental agreement on major and difficult issues, such as holding an independence referendum, and the implementation of radical devolution of taxation and welfare. Intergovernmental competition includes political competition for votes, and economic competition through different packages of tax and welfare. Constitutional change has been a defining feature of intergovernmental relations over the last ten years. The chapter concludes by identifying some possible future trends—increasing economic and political competition, coupled with increasing demands for detailed co-operation over new powers—and the options for codifying and strengthening intergovernmental relations.

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