Sources of Split-ticket Voting in the 1988 American Elections

1992 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Robert Darcy

Divided partisan control of the American national government is not a new phenomenon. Of the 41 presidents from Washington to Bush, 20 saw the House of Representatives under the control of the opposing party. While divided control of government is nothing new, however, its recent causes are. Before 1955, divided control was due to election reversals in the off year – easily interpretable in terms of negative retrospective judgements or switched policy choices on the part of the electorate. After 1955, on the other hand, four of the seven presidents were elected with a House of Representatives controlled by the opposing party. By analysing data collected during the 1988 national elections, we distinguish between congressional and presidential ticket-splitting and find their causes to be complex. It is caused, in part, by congressional incumbency and ballot formats, but wider social forces are also responsible for ticket-splitting.

Author(s):  
Reinhard Bork ◽  
Renato Mangano

This chapter deals with European cross-border issues concerning groups of companies. This chapter, after outlining the difficulties encountered throughout the world in defining and regulating the group, focuses on the specific policy choices endorsed by the EIR, which clearly does not lay down any form of substantive consolidation. Instead, the EIR, on the one hand, seems to permit the ‘one group—one COMI’ rule, even to a limited extent, and, on the other hand, provides for two different regulatory devices of procedural consolidation, one based on the duties of ‘cooperation and communication’ and the other on a system of ‘coordination’ to be set up between the many proceedings affecting companies belonging to the same group.


1955 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
K. J. Dover

(a) vi, 6, 2. τὴν γενομένην ἐπὶ Λάχητος καὶ τοῦ προτέρου πολέμου Λεοντίνων οἱ Έγεοταῖοι ξυμμαχίαν ἀναμιμνῄσκοντες τοὺς Άθυηναίους ἐδέοντο σφίσι ναῦς πέμψαντας ἐπαμῦναι.Does Λεοντίνων belong in sense with πολέμου or with ξυμμαχίαν? Elsewhere, πόλεμος with the genitive means ‘war against…’ or ‘war conducted by…’, from the standpoint of the opposing party. The campaign of 427, from the point of view of either Segesta or Athens, was a war about Leontini, but not πόλεμος Λεοντίνων. On the other hand, Λεοντίνων ξυμμαχία is straightforward Thucydidean Greek for ‘alliance with Leontini’. Moreover, the war referred to is adequately defined not only as ἐπὶ Λάχητος but also as τοῦ προτέρου, and additional specification is otiose. The resulting expression τὴν γενομένην ἐπὶ Λάχητος…Λεοντίνων…ξυμμαχίαν is comparable in structure with VIII, 2, 1 τὴν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας τῶν Άθηναίων μεγάλην κακοπραγίαν.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Gagliarducci ◽  
M Daniele Paserman

Abstract This paper uses data on bill cosponsorship in the U.S. House of Representatives to estimate gender differences in cooperative behaviour. We find that among Democrats there is no significant gender gap in the number of cosponsors recruited, but women-sponsored bills tend to have fewer cosponsors from the opposite party. On the other hand, we find robust evidence that Republican women recruit more cosponsors and attract more bipartisan support on the bills that they sponsor. We interpret these results as evidence that cooperation is mostly driven by a commonality of interest, rather than gender per se.


Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-171
Author(s):  
Benoît Rihoux ◽  
Sakura Yamasaki

This contribution explores the reciprocal links between the organisational transformation of Western European Green parties and the access of some of these parties to national government participation. On the one hand, a series of hypotheses with regard to the possible link between prior organisational adaptation and eventual access to governmental participation are examined. On the other hand, the opposite question is addressed : that of the potential impact of governmental participation on further organisational adaptation.  Following both a qualitative and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), one does ultimately identify a link between prior organisational adaptation and eventual access to government, but a much more indirect and contrasted link between governmental participation and further organisational adaptation.


1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Himbara

Most discussions about development in the periphery during the 1950s to the 1980s tended to fall into two main camps. Those in the so-called ‘dependency school’ maintained that indigenous bourgeoisies, unlike their metropolitan counterparts, could not lead the accumulation and transformation process while in junior partnership with foreign capital, which entrenched a system that transferred resources to metropolitan economies through, for example, the repatriation of profits, loyalty payments, and other licencing schemes. In other words, ‘real’ capitalism in the periphery was improbable, if not impossible. On the other hand, orthodox Marxists, liberal scholars, and, subsequently, ‘modified’ dependentistas, held that foreign investments in the periphery need not forestall the emergence of transforming social forces, and that development was likely to be accelerated if/when some elements of the domestic bourgeoisie participated in joint ventures with international capital.


2019 ◽  
pp. 426-443
Author(s):  
Alf Ross

This chapter investigates the conditions that must be fulfilled if it is to be meaningful to develop a legal politics that would provide guidance to the legislator. It is argued that in general, the necessary precondition for politics conceived as a technique for influencing society with the aid of rational methods is the assumption that rational deliberations and arguments are among the factors determining human action. Accordingly, in the realm of legal politics, the decisive question is whether and to what extent the law is created by the legislator’s ‘will’, understood as an expression of a conscious activity determined by rational deliberations and rational arguments; or whether and to what extent the law is created in a process that is independent thereof. The chapter considers and dismisses two extreme but equally untenable views: the prophets of fate and the utopians. Instead, it argues for a balanced view. Legal politics is possible because the legislator is not impotent. However, the possibilities of legal politics are limited because the legislator is not omnipotent, either. The legislator encounters social forces (in particular legal consciousness, economic interests, and power relations) that cannot be invoked by mere words. On the other hand, it is not a question of a permanent and impassable barrier, either.


1999 ◽  
Vol 173 ◽  
pp. 249-254
Author(s):  
A.M. Silva ◽  
R.D. Miró

AbstractWe have developed a model for theH2OandOHevolution in a comet outburst, assuming that together with the gas, a distribution of icy grains is ejected. With an initial mass of icy grains of 108kg released, theH2OandOHproductions are increased up to a factor two, and the growth curves change drastically in the first two days. The model is applied to eruptions detected in theOHradio monitorings and fits well with the slow variations in the flux. On the other hand, several events of short duration appear, consisting of a sudden rise ofOHflux, followed by a sudden decay on the second day. These apparent short bursts are frequently found as precursors of a more durable eruption. We suggest that both of them are part of a unique eruption, and that the sudden decay is due to collisions that de-excite theOHmaser, when it reaches the Cometopause region located at 1.35 × 105kmfrom the nucleus.


Author(s):  
A. V. Crewe

We have become accustomed to differentiating between the scanning microscope and the conventional transmission microscope according to the resolving power which the two instruments offer. The conventional microscope is capable of a point resolution of a few angstroms and line resolutions of periodic objects of about 1Å. On the other hand, the scanning microscope, in its normal form, is not ordinarily capable of a point resolution better than 100Å. Upon examining reasons for the 100Å limitation, it becomes clear that this is based more on tradition than reason, and in particular, it is a condition imposed upon the microscope by adherence to thermal sources of electrons.


Author(s):  
K.H. Westmacott

Life beyond 1MeV – like life after 40 – is not too different unless one takes advantage of past experience and is receptive to new opportunities. At first glance, the returns on performing electron microscopy at voltages greater than 1MeV diminish rather rapidly as the curves which describe the well-known advantages of HVEM often tend towards saturation. However, in a country with a significant HVEM capability, a good case can be made for investing in instruments with a range of maximum accelerating voltages. In this regard, the 1.5MeV KRATOS HVEM being installed in Berkeley will complement the other 650KeV, 1MeV, and 1.2MeV instruments currently operating in the U.S. One other consideration suggests that 1.5MeV is an optimum voltage machine – Its additional advantages may be purchased for not much more than a 1MeV instrument. On the other hand, the 3MeV HVEM's which seem to be operated at 2MeV maximum, are much more expensive.


2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 129-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reimer Kornmann

Summary: My comment is basically restricted to the situation in which less-able students find themselves and refers only to literature in German. From this point of view I am basically able to confirm Marsh's results. It must, however, be said that with less-able pupils the opposite effect can be found: Levels of self-esteem in these pupils are raised, at least temporarily, by separate instruction, academic performance however drops; combined instruction, on the other hand, leads to improved academic performance, while levels of self-esteem drop. Apparently, the positive self-image of less-able pupils who receive separate instruction does not bring about the potential enhancement of academic performance one might expect from high-ability pupils receiving separate instruction. To resolve the dilemma, it is proposed that individual progress in learning be accentuated, and that comparisons with others be dispensed with. This fosters a self-image that can in equal measure be realistic and optimistic.


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