Public Nightmares and Communitarian Dreams: The Crisis of the Social in Social Welfare

1997 ◽  
Vol 44 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 66-91
Author(s):  
John Clarke

This chapter examines the break-up of the welfare state as a process that involved a crisis of representation. In particular, social democratic images of the public and their embodiment in the organizational regimes of welfare bureau-professionalism were dislocated by the New Right's attack on the welfare state. The chapter argues that the attempt to reinvent the public's relationship to social welfare through the couplet of managerialism and consumerism created an impoverished conception of the public realm. Communitarianism has been presented as a response to this impoverishment. However, both lessons from history and the contemporary inflections of community suggest that communitarianism needs to be seen as an attempt to resolve the ‘crisis of the social’ in social welfare in regressive directions.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nagihan Ozkanca Andic ◽  
Ekrem Karayilmazlar

The Public Expenditure/GDP ratio is one of the most significant metrics that measure the state's share of the economy. It can be said that there is an interventionist state type in countries where this rate is high, or it can be argued that the share of the public sector in the economy is low in countries where this rate is low. It is also possible to argue that the countries' economic, sociological, and political factors play an essential role in determining this ratio. Regulations, which are the most important tools of the welfare state, may arise through economic controls as well as through social policies. This study aims to find an answer to the question of whether this situation is possible for a developing country such as Turkey while Nordic countries, which determine a system different from other welfare models, succeed in raising social welfare without giving up the principles such as equality and justice that they have despite the globalization effect. The data obtained by various methods were subjected to comparison using the Data Envelopment Analysis method in order to achieve this purpose. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0777/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Author(s):  
George R. Boyer

This chapter explores the story of the 1942 Beveridge Report and the beginnings of the welfare state. The policies proposed by Beveridge and the 1945–48 legislation were logical extensions of government's expanding role in social welfare policy beginning with the Liberal Welfare Reforms. This does not mean that the importance of the postwar legislation should be downplayed. Because of the adoption of the National Health Service, universal coverage, and equality of treatment, Britain after 1948 deserves to be called a welfare state, while Edwardian and interwar Britain do not. Unfortunately, despite the enthusiasm with which the public greeted the welfare state, the postwar policies did not eliminate economic insecurity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasna Balorda

Contrary to its conventional image as a social-democratic paragon, the Danish welfare state has, in recent decades, been undergoing significant changes as a response to the intrusion into the social sphere by self-regulating markets and a final departure from Keynesian politics of universalism and solidarity. This article examines the evident decline of the Nordic model as a result of neoliberal globalisation and establishes an association between the erosion of the welfare state and the emergence of fascist political sentiment in Denmark. An analysis of the Danish People's party and its growing public support among the disenfranchised working class communities in Denmark demonstrates how those overlooked by the free market and unrepresented by the liberal left become increasingly more receptive to the proposed social agendas of the far right campaigns.


Young ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Aila Mustamo

Anti-modernism has always been a part of the ideology of black metal and folk metal subcultures. In addition to Christianity, a common enemy in the field of modernity is the ‘social democratic’ welfare state. Although at least black metal can be considered as a counterculture, both black metal and folk metal subgenres reflect widely shared ideas from the mainstream. Based on interview material, this article examines how members of black metal and folk metal subcultures participate in the discussion about the welfare state. It gives voice to individuals rarely heard in music media or in the gatherings of the black metal and folk metal scenes. This article brings forward critical discourses about the apolitical tradition of heavy metal subcultures. It discusses ideologies and representations, and reception of ideas shared in metal communities.


The introduction to this book considers the ways in which the history of modern social welfare in Britain has been written and explained. These approaches include biographical and prosopographical studies of key individuals and groups responsible for founding the welfare state and administering it; the study of crucial social policies and institutions; appreciation of the key intellectual concepts which underpin the idea of welfare in Britain, including philosophical idealism, citizenship, planning, and social equality; the role of political contestation in the initiation and also in the obstruction of policy and its implementation; and the relation of specific places to the development of welfare in theory and in practice, whether east London in the late Victorian era or west London in the 1960s, both of which districts and the social innovations deriving from them are examined in chapters in this volume.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S588-S588
Author(s):  
Christopher Phillipson

Abstract This paper examines the growth of precarious lives in the context of policies which have marginalised the welfare state and priorities of social inclusion/security. Blackburn observes that ageing societies ‘requires new welfare principles not their repudiation’. However, the reality has been the erosion of the social solidarity which gave the welfare state legitimacy. In Europe, one set of welfare and related institutions is being abandoned, replaced by precarious arrangements -- extended working lives, privatization of pensions, and greater demand for women especially) for unpaid work. This paper 1) draws upon perspectives from political economy and sociology to examine precarity, 2) considers ‘precarious ageing’ as a competing or complementary view to theories of ‘active’ and ‘successful ageing’ third, examines specific dimensions of precarity (work, resources, the environment, frailty), assessing prospects for an index of precarity and aging; finally, considers the public policy implications of the growth of old-age precarity .


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gøsta Esping-Andersen

There has developed an abundant literature on the social and political determinants of social policies, but few have addressed the question of how state policies, once implemented, affect the system of stratification in civil society. This article examines the political consequences of social policy in Denmark and Sweden, countries in which a social democratic labor movement has predominated for decades. Superficially, these two highly developed welfare states appear very similar. Yet, the political and social contexts in which their social policies have evolved differ substantially. I shall demonstrate the argument that the traditional welfare state approach may be conducive to a new and powerful political conflict, which directly questions the legitimacy of the welfare state itself, unless government is successful in subordinating private capitalist growth to effective public regulation. In Denmark, where social democratic governments have failed to match welfare state growth with more control of private capital, social policy has tended to undermine the political unity of the working class. Consequently, the Social Democratic Party has been weakened. Social welfare programs, in effect, have helped create new forms of stratification within the working class. In Sweden, social democratic governments have been quite successful in shifting a decisive degree of power over the private market to the state. This has helped avert a crisis of the welfare state, and has also been an important condition for continued social democratic hegemony and working-class unity. I conclude that social reform politics tend to be problematic from the point of view of the future power of social democratic movements.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (28) ◽  
pp. 286
Author(s):  
Carina PESCAROLO ◽  
Soraia Paulino MARCHI

RESUMO O presente artigo tem por finalidade analisar com base na pesquisa bibliográfica se é aplicável o Estado de bem-estar social no Brasil e se pode ser efetivo. Discorre sobre como se originaram o Estado liberal (burguês) e o Estado social ou de providência (intervencionista), posicionando-os na história, tanto das revoluções quanto das crises que os embasaram, traçando seus conceitos, características, aplicação e crises. Buscar demonstrar o contexto histórico, com base nas Constituições brasileiras, desde a imperial de 1824 até a democrática de 1988, a origem do Estado de bem-estar social no Brasil, até que ponto tem respaldo para ser aplicado, se pode ser efetivo ou não. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Estado liberal; Estado do bem-estar social; Estado social; Estado de providência; Brasil. ABSTRACTThe purpose of this article is to analyze, based on bibliographical research, whether the State of social welfare in Brazil is applicable and can be effective. It discusses how the liberal (bourgeois) state and the social or providential state (interventionist) originated, placing them in the history of both the revolutions and the crises that underpinned them, tracing their concepts, characteristics, application and crises. Seeking to demonstrate the historical context, based on the Brazilian Constitutions, from the imperial of 1824 to the democratic of 1988, the origin of the welfare state in Brazil, to what extent has support to be applied, whether it can be effective or not . KEYWORDS: Liberal state; State of social welfare; Social state; State of providence; Brazil.


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