Who governs Germany?

1966 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Ralf Dahrendorf

Imperial Germany had a monopolistic elite which managed to establish and uphold, with the assistance of an authoritarian welfare state, the apparent paradox of an industrial feudal society. Members of this elite held many of the leading positions in German society themselves, but others they passed into strange, if safely controlled hands. The monopoly broke along with the political system of Imperial Germany. But the memory of—and at times nostalgia for— the masters of the monopoly, whose passing turned out to be a long process, followed their surviving servants throughout the Weimar Republic. In any case, no distinct new political class emerged before that created by the National Socialist leadership clique and this was, once again, if in a more precarious version, monopolistic. East German society has followed in this tradition in its own, apparently similar, although substantively peculiar, manner. Moreover, there can be no doubt that these traditions reverberate in West German society as well; not even total defeat produces a social tabula rasa. But two features characteristic of traditional German elites are now absent: first, the monopoly of one elite, or indeed the claim to it; and secondly, the nostalgic memory which the leadership groups of the Weimar Republic had of such a monopoly.

German Angst ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 130-157
Author(s):  
Frank Biess

This chapter shifts the focus from fears and anxieties that primarily resulted from the Federal Republic’s external situation to internal fears. The modernization and stabilization of West German society generated their own fears. This chapter focuses on fears of automation during the late 1950s and 1960s. Contrary to conventional wisdom, West Germans did not display an unabashed optimism about technology but were keenly aware of the ambivalent consequences of technological progress. In particular, they remembered the negative consequences of the rationalization movement of the 1920s and their impact on the political stability of the Weimar Republic. The chapter analyzes first the debate about technology among West German intellectuals such as Friedrich Pollock, Helmut Schelsky, and Arnold Gehlen. It then focuses on the broader cultural debate on automation that brought into view anxieties about structural unemployment, deskilling of workers, and psychological impact of automation. As a case study, the chapter then analyzes the confrontation of the largest West German industrial union, IG Metall, with automation. Labor unions did not respond to automation with optimism but were keenly aware of its potentially detrimental effects. A more skeptical attitude toward automation and technological progress more generally thus predated the economic crisis of the 1970s.


Author(s):  
Karin Gunnemann

This chapter provides a literary and historical glimpse into the political fortunes of the great writers and novelists of the Weimar era, focusing on Kurt Tucholsky, Alfred Döblin, and the brothers Thomas and Heinrich Mann. Tucholsky (1890–1935) was foremost a polemical political journalist, a humorist, and a writer of satiric poetry for the cabarets of Berlin. No ills of the Republic escaped his witty scrutiny, but when the Republic failed he ended his life in despair. Heinrich Mann (1871–1950) was both a prolific writer of fiction and one of Germany's leading political essayists. In response to the cultural changes of the twenties, he developed a new aesthetic for fiction that helped him preserve his utopian ideal of a democratic Germany. Döblin (1878–1957) expressed his criticism of post-war German society with greatest success in Berlin Alexanderplatz. Thomas Mann (1875–1955) is a representative of those writers who had great difficulty in moving away from their aesthetic and autonomous view of literature to a more “democratic” way of writing.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 396-412
Author(s):  
Stefan Sperling

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, reunified Germany intensified its policy of political transparency in an attempt to alleviate European concerns over a new German superpower. As transparency became a means to political legitimacy, the term and the practice acquired a distinctive ethical dimension. Germany’s on-going effort to come to terms with its national socialist past came to encompass the years of state socialism as well. As Germany’s new-found moral legitimacy came to rest on portraying East Germany as an immoral state, the former socialist state became an object that needed to be made fully transparent. The East German secret police (Stasi) and its vast surveillance apparatus became a natural target of transparency, as it inverted the logic of transparency by which the West German state claimed to function. As one form of transparency became key to legitimacy in Germany, its inversion – surveillance – became a marker of illegitimacy. In that sense, surveillance came to justify the unequal treatment of East Germans, of their political system, and of their public life. The conflict between divergent understandings of transparency became especially clear in a debate between two political figures, one from the former East and one from the former West. The case of German reunification serves to highlight the contingency of the meaning of the concepts of transparency, surveillance, and privacy.


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-183
Author(s):  
J. David Fraley

In the political system of imperial Germany, the personal interplay between the Kaiser and the chancellor was the single most important factor in the formulation of policy within the government; and this seems especially true during the reign of Kaiser William II, whose vivid personality lent distinctive nuances to the form and manner of Germany's domestic and foreign policies. This paper will attempt to analyze the relationship between William and Prince Chlodwig Hohenlohe, German chancellor from 1894 to 1900, and the effects of that relationship on three major issues of policy: antisocialist legislation, naval expansion, and reform of court-martial procedures in the German army and navy.


Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

The reluctant alliance between Ukrainian nationalists and the Communist Party and economic nomenklatura in August 1991 was one of the key factors in the declaration of Ukrainian independence. The Ukrainian political class preserved its monolithic character, which was reflected in the decorative and mostly formal changes that took place in the country after 1991. Instead of a profound transformation of the political system and structure of the political power, Ukrainian society received essentially the same set of institutions, political practices and actors. Personal interests of Ukrainian elites, guided by the instinct for self-preservation, played a decisive role.


2013 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Abrahamsson

Abstract. The aim of this paper is to outline a genealogy of the concept of Lebensraum. It will focus on the way that Darwinian evolutionary thought was translated into 19th Century German geography, particularly in the work of Friedrich Ratzel and his formulation of the concept of Lebensraum. The paper argues that the Ratzelian Lebensraum must be viewed as a concept aimed towards a synthesis between biogeography and anthropogeography. The paper will also trace how the Ratzelian Lebensraum came to play a vital part in Rudolf Kjellén's later formulation of an organic theory of the state. Here the paper will focus specifically on Kjellén's organic taxonomy of the political system. The paper will end with a short discussion on the synthetic aspects of the Lebensraum concept, focusing on the seemingly divergent ways that the Lebensraum concept was mobilised within National socialist ideology and planning.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2015 ◽  
Vol 219 (S 01) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Grünwald ◽  
M Beer ◽  
S Mamay ◽  
F Rupp ◽  
J Stupin ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document