Anti‐Political Politics: the Barre Phenomenon

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Franco Rizzuto

ONE OF THE MOST REMARKABLE DEVELOPMENTS ON THE French political scene since the Left's historic victories in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1981 has been the spectacular emergence of former Prime Minister Raymond Barre as both a powerful contender for the ‘leadership’ of the Right and for the French presidency. His emergence raises a number of interrelated issues which are likely to have a profound impact in France over the next few years.First, it has brought to the fore questions about the nature and perhaps even the very future of the Fifth Republic. The insistent refusal by Barre and his supporters to countenance cohabitation has elevated to the top of the political agenda the perennial issue of constitutional interpretation. What happens when the President of the Republic and the majority in the National Assembly are of opposed political persuasions? This has ceased to be a question of interest only to constitutional scholars but has become a reality after the March 1986 legislative elections resulted in a narrow victory for the RPR-UDF alliance. How Barre and his supporters behave in such a delicate situation is of crucial importance.

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Franco Rizzuto

One of the Most Remarkable Developments on the French political scene since the Left’s historic victories in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1981 has been the spectacular emergence of former Prime Minister Raymond Barre as both a powerful contender for the ‘leadership’ of the Right and for the French presidency. His emergence raises a number of interrelated issues which are likely to have a profound impact in France over the next few years.


Significance The November 26 legislative elections returned the Islamist opposition to the political field. Opposition and like-minded parliamentarians now occupy almost half of the seats, enabling them to form a strong alliance within the National Assembly. However, the emir has the right to appoint the prime minister and cabinet. Impacts The emir could well replace the prime minister, possibly with the former interior minister, Mohammad al-Khalid Al Sabah. The inability to implement budget spending cuts could negatively affect Kuwait’s international credit rating. More early elections would probably pave the way for the return of a wider range of emboldened opposition activists. The presence of a vocal Sunni Islamist opposition in the National Assembly may exacerbate Sunni-Shia tensions and anti-Iran sentiment.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yamamah Kashkool ◽  
wael Al-bayati

"The period of approving the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 was surrounded by a state of political turmoil that usually accompanies any transitional phase that carries many political variables through the transition from a phase of dictatorial rule to a new phase bearing the features of democracy. In its approval, the lack of clarity in the political vision and the weakness of the constitutional legal culture of its authors, as well as the way in which it was approved by a popular referendum, which is voted on by yes or no, and does not allow an opportunity to discuss its articles and articles and diagnose its shortcomings. One of the shortcomings in our constitution is that it does not refer to regulating the resignation of the Prime Minister. This position has a political nature, and an administrative nature, and its occupant has the right to decide not to continue with this position and be satisfied with working in this field for any reason, and this must be in accordance with the context Organized legal, which is known as resignation., and this is what we dealt with in this research. For the purpose of researching this topic, we asked a research question that is... How can we address the legislative shortcomings that surrounded the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 and related to regulating the resignation of the Prime Minister? From this research question, we derived several secondary research questions... 1- What is the limitation of legislative shortcomings? 2- What are the reasons for the legislative deficiencies in the Iraqi constitution? 3- Does the Prime Minister have the right to resign during his tenure? 4- To whom is the resignation submitted? 5- Who is the party that decides whether or not to accept the resignation? 6- What are the procedures that follow the acceptance of the resignation? By discussing these questions, we will try to reach the possibility of developing a legislative text that deals with a complete organization of the resignation of the Prime Minister, especially since the idea of ​​amending the constitution and to this day is still valid and possible, because many political, social and economic conditions in the country have changed from the time of entry into force of this constitution, which makes the idea of ​​the amendment obligatory and necessary"


Subject Czech Euroscepticism. Significance The right-liberal ANO 2011 party led by Andrej Babis won legislative elections last month. Its wide margin of victory owed something to its Eurosceptic discourse. Czech Euroscepticism is the product of populist mobilisation on the political right and the centre’s failure to make a positive case for EU membership. With the hard Eurosceptic Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party joining the Europhobic Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCM) in parliament, leaving the EU is guaranteed a prominent place on the political agenda. Impacts Moderate Czech (and Austrian) enthusiasm for deeper integration will mean that inner and outer ‘circles’ of EU membership will solidify. A deepening split within the Visegrad Group will make opposition to EU reform difficult to sustain for Poland and Hungary. The president has added his weight to a referendum on ‘Czexit’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean educational relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries.


Subject The Italian political scene ahead of the May 31 regional and local elections. Significance Prime Minister Matteo Renzi of the centre-left Democratic Party (PD) has consolidated his political authority in his party and parliament. The balance of political power has shifted in favour of the left. Renzi has made progress on institutional reforms, most notably of the electoral system, that promise to enhance Italy's longer-term governability. Renzi's strengthened political position, the current relative stability of Italian politics and the prospect of more authoritative Italian governments in future would all provide Italy some insulation in the event of renewed financial market turbulence prompted by a Greek default. Impacts Renzi currently stands out as the left's most successful leader of a major EU state. Italian reformers seeking to consolidate party leadership authority and simplify decision-making have generally come from the right. Renzi has made more progress in these areas than former centre-right Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi achieved. If Renzi secures his planned reform of the Senate, as seems likely, it would further boost both Renzi and Italy's governability.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6(161) ◽  
pp. 217-222
Author(s):  
Marcin Rulka

The parliamentary elections in Croatia were ordered for 5 July 2020. However, as the election date approached, the number of coronavirus infections increased, prompting the authority responsible for overseeing the conduct of the elections, i.e., the State Election Commission of the Republic of Croatia, to issue appropriate voting guidelines. People in self-isolation had the opportunity to vote only if the registration activities were completed by 2 July 2020, as this guaranteed a visit from a member of the election commission to whom they could pass the vote, but completely excluded infected persons from the vote. On 1 July 2020, one of the Croatian non-governmental organizations, the GONG, submitted a request to the Constitutional Court (supported by the signatures of several dozen citizens) to examine the legality of the elections, arguing that the state authorities are obliged to give each voter the possibility to vote in the elections. The Constitutional Court stated that the state authorities are obliged to create the legal possibility of exercising the right to vote guaranteed by the constitution for all citizens who express such wish, including those who have been diagnosed with SARS-CoV-2 (COVID 19) or any other infectious disease, and who, for this reason, remain in isolation.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-377
Author(s):  
Gerrit Van De Put

It often appears that leading politicians in Belgium consider the results of the municipal elections in the light of national polities. They stick to the thesis that the municipal poll-results, at least in the bigger towns, are more and more influenced by the constellation of the nation's politics.Is it really so that the municipal elections indicate the hearings of the national political situation ? Can one draw conclusions from the results of these elections as if they were national ones ? And can one,any how, compare municipal to parliamentary elections ?  By comparison of the results of municipal elections 1964 and of parliamentary elections 1965 it was checked which shifts in party-choice havehappened during this short period of eight months. If no oscillations, or only a few, were detected between both elections, one could conclude that the municipal elections 1964 indicated indeed the hearings of the parliamentary elections 1965.Successively, the national and provincial results of these elections were compared and the party-shifts on national and provincial level were calculated.To make a relevant comparison between the election-results on a lower level, a comparable basic unity had to be found. As there were no municipal data available at parliamentary elections on one side, andonly municipal results at the municipal elections on the other side, the least possible unity for which parliamentary election-results are known, the electoral canton namely, was chosen as a comparison-basis. For that purpose however the results per party had to be additioned in all municipalities belonging to one canton.Part of the electoral cantons was unfit for use as comparison-material for two reasons : the highly varied and often strongly local-coloured political party-structure on one hand, the big number of municipalitieswithout elections on the other hand. So we were bound to make a choice out of 212 electoral cantons. Finally the cantons with a maximum of 4 municipalities were chosen, which limited the number of cantons to 28. These cantons were classified by degree of urbanisation according to the typology of W. Van Waelvelde and H. Van der Haegen.In that classification the percentages of votes in favour of the political parties, at the occasion of these elections, were tabulated and compared.The participating parties and lists were grouped as much as possible around the traditional parties to which they were most related. So we distinguish in Flanders : CVP, BSP, PVV, VU, CPB and other parties ;in the Walloon region: PSC, PSB, PLP PCB, French-speaking lists and other parties.For this analysis we also thought it was relevant to control separately the shifts of the electoral corps in the Flemish, the Walloon and the Brussels cantons. These shifts were then specified according to thedegree of urbanisation.To measure the size of the party-shifts for these elections, the external election-shift standard was calculated for the chosen Flemish, Walloon and Brussels cantons, with a special attention for the degree of urbanisation. Finally we examined which attitude was assumed by the government, the governmental and the opposition parties, in relation to the results of the municipal 1964 elections.It appeared that some notable party-shifts had been realized during the short period between the municipal elections of 1964 and the legislative elections of 1965. In general, a certain polarization has taken place due to a centrifugal vote-shift to the left and still more to the right. The direction of vote-shifts, which had shown at the municipal elections of 1964, was affirmed at the legislative elections of 1965 and for some parties, CVP and PVV namely, it was even accentuated. The parallelism between both elections in relation to the direction of the vote-shifts did not mean however that the size of these shifts was the same everywhere. The image of the shifts was different according to linguistic region and degree of urbanisation.The analysis of the urbanisation-degree showed that the level of oscillations grew higher as the urbanisation-degree grew lower. Seen per linguistic region, the largest shifts had taken place in the Walloon cantons.  According to the calculations of the electoral shift standards during the period 1964-1965, the lowest oscillations were noted in the Flemish and Brussels cantons, i.e. the voting-behaviour of the big agglomerations during the municipal elections of 1964 were the closest to the national electoral pattern. Seen that way they were, up to a certain degree, a value-measure for the general policy.Finally the remark should be made that the limitation to the two above-mentioned elections does not allow any generalization of the obtained conclusions. The short period between those elections was itself an exceptional situation which may have been of influence on the results of the comparisons.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nayli Suroya

This article explains the development of the French government system and the division of executive power between President de la République and Premier Ministre after the change from the fourth constitution to the fifth constitution of the republic. This research applies a qualitative research methodology using a historical approach. The results of this study show that France is one of four countries implementing a mixed government system. The President and the Prime Minister, who are the executive authorities, should both lead the country. The role of the President and the Prime Minister may seem similar, but it is not the same. The President has the authority to elect the Prime Minister. Based on article 8 of the fifth constitution, the President has the right to elect and appoint the Prime Minister and terminate him/her if the concerned person declares his/her resignation from his/her government.


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