Manifestations of legislative shortcomings in the Iraqi constitution

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yamamah Kashkool ◽  
wael Al-bayati
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
Political Variables ◽  
Transitional Phase ◽  
New Phase

"The period of approving the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 was surrounded by a state of political turmoil that usually accompanies any transitional phase that carries many political variables through the transition from a phase of dictatorial rule to a new phase bearing the features of democracy. In its approval, the lack of clarity in the political vision and the weakness of the constitutional legal culture of its authors, as well as the way in which it was approved by a popular referendum, which is voted on by yes or no, and does not allow an opportunity to discuss its articles and articles and diagnose its shortcomings. One of the shortcomings in our constitution is that it does not refer to regulating the resignation of the Prime Minister. This position has a political nature, and an administrative nature, and its occupant has the right to decide not to continue with this position and be satisfied with working in this field for any reason, and this must be in accordance with the context Organized legal, which is known as resignation., and this is what we dealt with in this research. For the purpose of researching this topic, we asked a research question that is... How can we address the legislative shortcomings that surrounded the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 and related to regulating the resignation of the Prime Minister? From this research question, we derived several secondary research questions... 1- What is the limitation of legislative shortcomings? 2- What are the reasons for the legislative deficiencies in the Iraqi constitution? 3- Does the Prime Minister have the right to resign during his tenure? 4- To whom is the resignation submitted? 5- Who is the party that decides whether or not to accept the resignation? 6- What are the procedures that follow the acceptance of the resignation? By discussing these questions, we will try to reach the possibility of developing a legislative text that deals with a complete organization of the resignation of the Prime Minister, especially since the idea of ​​amending the constitution and to this day is still valid and possible, because many political, social and economic conditions in the country have changed from the time of entry into force of this constitution, which makes the idea of ​​the amendment obligatory and necessary"

Suriname’s Constitutional Limits

2020 ◽  
pp. 241-271
Author(s):  
Ruben Gowricharn
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Legal Institutions ◽  
World War ◽  
Constitutional Development ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
The Republic ◽  
International Power ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Turmoil

This chapter outlines the major forces that have shaped the constitutional development of the Republic of Suriname. These forces include the transplant of population and legal institutions during the colonial era; the post-World War II shift of the international power balance in favour of decolonizing colonies as manifested in the right to self-determination; and domestic forces, including trade unions and media, that protected the constitution from being suspended or undermined in periods of political turmoil. Based on the experience of Suriname, it is argued that constitutional development in small postcolonial societies is highly constrained due to the transplant of European legal institutions and corresponding expertise.

scholarly journals First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.

Methods matter: exploring the ‘too much, too soon’ theory, part 1: causal questions in sports injury research

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (18) ◽  
pp. 1119-1122
Author(s):  
Rasmus Oestergaard Nielsen ◽  
Michael Lejbach Bertelsen ◽  
Merete Møller ◽  
Adam Hulme ◽  
Mohammad Ali Mansournia ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Sports Medicine ◽  
Injury Risk ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Sports Injury ◽  
Training Programme ◽  
Evidence Base ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Injury Research

BackgroundIt is widely accepted that athletes sustain sports injury if they train ‘too much, too soon’. However, not all athletes are built the same; some can tolerate more training than others. It is for this reason that prescribing the same training programme to all athletes to reduce injury risk is not optimal from a coaching perspective. Rather, athletes require individualised training plans. In acknowledgement of athlete diversity, it is therefore essential to ask the right causal research question in studies examining sports injury aetiology.PurposeIn this first part of a British Journal of Sports Medicine educational series, we present four different causal research questions related to the ‘too much, too soon’ theory and critically discuss their relevance to sports injury prevention.ContentIf it is true that there is no ‘one size fits all’ training programme, then we need to consider by how much training can vary depending on individual athlete characteristics. To provide an evidence-base for subgroup-specific recommendations, a stronger emphasis on the following questions is needed: (1) How much training is ‘too much’ before athletes with different characteristics sustain sports-related injury? and (2) Does the risk of sports injury differ among athletes with a certain characteristic (eg, high experience) compared with athletes with other characteristics (eg, low experience) depending on how much training they perform?ConclusionWe recommend that sports injury researchers aiming to examine the ‘too much, too soon’ theory should carefully consider how they, assisted by coaches, athletes and clinicians, pose their causal research question. In the light of the limitations of population-based prevention that intends to provide all athletes with the same advice, we argue that a stronger emphasis on research questions targeting subgroups of athletes is needed. In doing so, researchers may assist athletes, clinicians and coaches to understand what training advice/programme works best, for whom and under what circumstances.

scholarly journals (Dis)advantages of student subjects: What is your research question?

2010 ◽  
Vol 33 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 92-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Gächter
Keyword(s):  
Research Question ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Economics Students ◽  
Subject Pool ◽  
Fundamental Research ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Student Subjects ◽  
Student Subject ◽  
The Right

AbstractI argue that the right choice of subject pool is intimately linked to the research question. At least within economics, students are often the perfect subject pool for answering some fundamental research questions. Student subject pools can provide an invaluable benchmark for investigating generalizability across different social groups or cultures.

scholarly journals THE DIVISION OF EXECUTIVE POWER BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT DE LA REPUBLIQUE AND THE PREMIER MINISTRE IN FRANCE UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FIFTH FRENCH REPUBLIC

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nayli Suroya
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Methodology ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
French Government ◽  
Qualitative Research Methodology ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

This article explains the development of the French government system and the division of executive power between President de la République and Premier Ministre after the change from the fourth constitution to the fifth constitution of the republic. This research applies a qualitative research methodology using a historical approach. The results of this study show that France is one of four countries implementing a mixed government system. The President and the Prime Minister, who are the executive authorities, should both lead the country. The role of the President and the Prime Minister may seem similar, but it is not the same. The President has the authority to elect the Prime Minister. Based on article 8 of the fifth constitution, the President has the right to elect and appoint the Prime Minister and terminate him/her if the concerned person declares his/her resignation from his/her government.

scholarly journals THE EVIDENCE-BASED MEDICINE PICO STRATEGY APPLIED TO DENTISTRY USING MESH, EMTREE AND DECS

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Teresa Alarcón Gil ◽  
Sonia Osorio Toro ◽  
Gloria Patricia Baena Caldas
Keyword(s):  
Evidence Based Medicine ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Scientific Information ◽  
Bibliographic Databases ◽  
Evidence Based ◽  
Structure Search ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Based Medicine ◽  
Controlled Languages

Introduction: the PICO mnemonic is an evidence-based medicine tool that helps formulate the research questions needed to conduct the right search for scientific information. To properly classify this information, controlled languages or thesauruses are used for information retrieval. The aim was to identify whether the PICO search strategy in evidence-based medicine using the MeSH, Emtree and DeCS thesauruses answers a research question in the field of dentistry. Methods: to carry out the PICO strategy, a research question was formulated, identifying the natural language terms for each component of the PICO acronym, which were normalized into the three thesauruses to create the search equations. Results: 43 results were foundon Medline through PubMed, 5 on Embase, and 0 on LILACS. There were 4 original articles that answer the research question, proving to be an effective strategy for finding clinical evidence. Conclusion: this study shows that the strategy helps obtain results to answer the question posed. It should be noted that, in order to successfully search and retrieve information, researchers should use the PICO strategy and get familiar with the thesauruses that help structure search equations in the various bibliographic databases.

Guidelines for Authors and Reviewers of Plastic Surgery

2021 ◽  
pp. 229255032110541
Author(s):  
Achilles Thoma ◽  
Jessica Murphy ◽  
Jugpal Arneja
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Research ◽  
Plastic Surgery ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Evidence Based ◽  
Equator Network ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Evidence Based Surgery ◽  
Study Designs ◽  
Do So

Credible clinical research is a precondition of evidence-based surgery. If clinical research is not conducted and reported properly, such research can be unreliable, unclear, and misleading. Our journal, Plastic Surgery, aims to improve its quality and thus enhance interest, submissions, and readership. To do so, we must ensure that the articles published in our journal align with these goals. This article guides future clinical research contributors, how to design, conduct and report valuable and reliable research. Readers are informed how to choose a title and keywords that properly reflect the content of the article. The proper organization of a manuscript, and the information that goes into each section is described. Valuable tools like the EQUATOR Network Guidelines, the FINER Criteria and the PICOT Format are described for the reader. These resources help formulate a proper research question and ensure transparency in reporting. Commonly used study designs, and the research questions they answer are presented. This ensures that those engaged in research are choosing the right study design for their research. We outline the statistical information that should be presented in the Methods section and differentiate between the content that should be found in the Results and Discussion sections. As Plastic Surgery strives to publish high-quality, reliable research, it is by the standards presented in this article that we will judge all manuscripts submitted for publication.

Anti‐Political Politics: the Barre Phenomenon

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Franco Rizzuto
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Scene

ONE OF THE MOST REMARKABLE DEVELOPMENTS ON THE French political scene since the Left's historic victories in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1981 has been the spectacular emergence of former Prime Minister Raymond Barre as both a powerful contender for the ‘leadership’ of the Right and for the French presidency. His emergence raises a number of interrelated issues which are likely to have a profound impact in France over the next few years.First, it has brought to the fore questions about the nature and perhaps even the very future of the Fifth Republic. The insistent refusal by Barre and his supporters to countenance cohabitation has elevated to the top of the political agenda the perennial issue of constitutional interpretation. What happens when the President of the Republic and the majority in the National Assembly are of opposed political persuasions? This has ceased to be a question of interest only to constitutional scholars but has become a reality after the March 1986 legislative elections resulted in a narrow victory for the RPR-UDF alliance. How Barre and his supporters behave in such a delicate situation is of crucial importance.

scholarly journals THE INSTITUTIONAL POLICY MODEL OF WALI NANGGROE FOR COMMUNITY RESILIENCEPOST- CONFLICT IN ACEH

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
DAHLAN A. RAHMAN ◽  
ENDANG LARASATI ◽  
SRI SUWITRI ◽  
BUDI PUSPO PRIYADI
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Indigenous Leadership ◽  
Policy Model ◽  
Implementation Model ◽  
Implementation Policy ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The Wali Nanggroe Institution, which functions as an adhesive media for the Acehnese people politically, is still considered unable to implement the Helsinky MoU. Although there have been several studies of political dynamics in Aceh after Helsinky, there have not been any studies that have explored the implementation of policies regarding the Wali Nanggroe Institution in Aceh. Although a memorandum of understanding was signed between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Mardeka Aceh Movement (Independence of Aceh), the implementation of the MoU was not yet complete. The lack of attention of researchers about the implementation of the Wali Nanggroe policy because there are many parties who are unsure about the existence of the institution. This study is an academic response in order to find scientific answers to the presence of the Wali Nanggroe Institution which is formulated in the form of three research questions, namely How is the implementation of Qanun Number 9 of 2013 concerning the Wali Nanggroe Institution, what are obstacles and supportive factors of policy implementation - policy of the Wali Nanggroe Institution Qanun and What is the Wali Nanggroe Institution's Policy Implementation Model. The author combines qualitative data of 30 informants to find the cases as well as conflict resolution models in Aceh. The quantitative data support answers that are in accordance with the demands of research questions. The results of the study show that the Wali Nanggroe Institute was born after the Helsinki MoU to resolve the Aceh conflict that was legally recognized by the State to maintain the integrity of peace, it has the right to immunity. Qanun is influenced by aspects of policy content. It unites the Aceh political leaders who are conflicting in preparing budgets in the Aceh Parliament.Qanun alsohas the power to regulate upper house and functional assemblies. The implementation of qanun has been running since the issuance of Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). Legal basis for the birth of the Nanggroe UUPA institution Article 96 (1) The Wali Nanggroe Institution is an indigenous leadership as an independent unifying community, not a political and government institution in the Province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Therefore, the author concludes that the policy implementation of the WaliNanggroe Institution in Aceh is a new approach. The Government of Aceh, the Government of Indonesia and countries experiencing almost the same conflict model can use the results of this study to encourage conflict resolution through a permanent political settlement.

CROATIAN POLITICS: SYMBOLS AND INACTIVITY

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Tvtrko Yakovina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Croatia in close connection with its domestic policy. The author examines the balance of political forces in the country on the eve, during and after the presidential elections in 2019/2020, as well as the elections to Sabor (parliament) in July 2020. He describes in detail the situation in the party that won the elections to Sabor, - the Croatian Democratic Union, - and the internal party struggle between representatives of the centrist and right-wing nationalist groups. Largely thanks to the current leader and prime minister of Croatia A. Plenković, it ended in 2020 with the victory of the centrists. At the same time, the presidential elections in December 2019 - January 2020 were won by the candidate of the left-center - Social Democrat Z. Milanović, who defeated the CDU representative K. Grabar-Kitarović, who held this post. The author believes that in Croatia, as a result of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019/2020, a situation has developed in which the president and the prime minister, representatives of the left and the right centers respectively, can, through joint efforts, pursuing their own political goals, update Croatia’s domestic and foreign policy, including in the Balkan / South-Eastern Europe region. The previous policy of Croatia, according to the author, was unsuccessful. The previous leadership of Croatia, using as a basis the ideology of nationalism and fearing that Croatia would be historically associated with Yugoslavia and the Balkans, pursued a policy of self-isolation in the very region in which Croatia could play an important role. The balance of power formed in Croatia in 2020 makes it possible to intensify Croatia’s policy in the region, on the basis of a possible normalization of relations with the Serbian community of the country as well as through the process of improving relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without this transformation, the final stabilization in the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region is impossible.

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