EU–Russian Energy Links: A Marriage of Convenience?

2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Johnson

AbstractThis article explores issues of energy supply security from the perspective of the EU–Russian energy relationship and of competing foreign energy policy paradigms. Using approaches developed by Peter Rutland within the context of Russia's energy policy towards the CIS and the three pillars of EU energy policy as a starting point, the article concludes that the overall EU–Russian energy relationship can be best explained through a framework of mutual interest and dependency: that is, the EU is becoming increasingly, but not totally, dependent on Russian energy, particularly gas; and Russia is becoming increasingly, but not totally, dependent on European markets. Nevertheless, other paradigms continue to yield useful insights in relation to individual components of the EU–Russian energy relationship.

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Calliess ◽  
Christian Calliess ◽  
Christian Hey

The legal and political interrelations between national and EU energy policy competencies and the actual policies are multifaceted. In order to understand those interrelations properly one has to analyse both the formal competencies of the EU as enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty and the actual EU policies with their direct and indirect impact on the choice of energy sources. The Treaty grants the EU competence as regards (a) the functioning of the energy market; (b) security of energy supply in the Union; (c) promotion of energy efficiency and energy saving and the development of new and renewable forms of energy; and (d) promotion of the interconnection of energy networks. However, Member States remain in control of choosing between different energy sources and the general structure of their energy supply. Any decision affecting this national competence must be adopted by a unanimous vote of the European Council. EU renewable energy support policy needs to develop within the framework of these mixed and multifaceted competences. Our overall argument is that easy fixes do not work. Considering the different national preferences regarding the energy mix, it is premature to ask for a full-fledged EU energy competence leading to a harmonised support system for renewables. Besides which, the emerging climate and renewables policies could also be a driver for deepened energy integration – rather as a bottom-up than a top-down process. In that sense a framework for 2030 with clear goals for climate mitigation, renewables shares and efficiency are of pivotal importance for the transition towards a low carbon economy by 2050.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Janusz Soboń ◽  
Stepanov Alexander Annarovich Annarovich ◽  
Savina Margarita Vitalievna ◽  
Mikhail Rybin

The aim of the article is to present the most important goals in energy policy to be achieved in the near term in the context of sustainable development. The starting point for the analysis is the assessment of the condition of the energy sector, as goals and tasks result from a number of circumstances and conditions of the energy supply sector. The strategic goals of climate and energy policies presented in the study show the necessary challenges for the implementation of sustainable development within the analyzed sector, which is the driving force world economies.


Author(s):  
I. Pashkovskaya

Motivation of the energy policy of the European Union towards Russia is driven by two factors. The first is the dependence of the EU on obtaining most of its energy supplies from Russia. The second factor consists of two fears (one spurious and another hypothetical) that Russia won’t deliver necessary volumes of energy to the European domestic energy market. Strange enough, these fears co-exist with the EU repeatedly confirming the fact of Russia compliance with its commitments of energy supply to the EU member states.


2011 ◽  
pp. 147-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann-Christian Pielow ◽  
Britta Janina Lewendel

2017 ◽  
Vol 207 ◽  
pp. 465-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Konstantinos J. Chalvatzis ◽  
Alexis Ioannidis

Subject The implications of the EU's planned Energy Union for the Western Balkans. Significance The cancellation of the South Stream gas pipeline underlined the exposure of the non-EU countries in the Western Balkans to EU energy policy. The EU's planned Energy Union will have implications for these states, which are grouped in the EU-backed Energy Community. Impacts The Energy Union's over-focus on gas could hold back development of the Western Balkans's greater potential in renewables. The Energy Union's potential may not be fully realised if the EU and Western Balkan do not deepen and widen regional ties. Small markets will exacerbate lack of funding from both state and private sources for major infrastructure projects.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 757-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehdi P. Amineh ◽  
Wina H. J. Crijns-Graus

euenergy policy objectives are directed at three highly interdependent areas: energy supply security, competitiveness and decarbonization to prevent climate change. In this paper, we focus on the issue of energy supply security. Security of energy supply for the immediate and medium-term future is a necessary condition in the current context of the global political economy for the survival of the Union and its component member states. Since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, energy policy no longer comes onto the agenda of the European Commission through the backdoor of the common market, environment and competitiveness. The Treaty created a new legal basis for the internal energy market. However, securing external supplies as well as deciding the energy mix, remain matters of national prerogative, though within the constraints of other parts of eu’s legislation in force. Without a common defense policy, the highly import dependent Union and its members face external instability in the energy rich Arab Middle East and North Africa.Concern about energy security has been triggered by declining European energy production as well as the strain on global demand exerted by newly industrializing economies such as China and India and the Middle East, as well as the political instability in this reserve-rich part of the world. This paper explores the following two topics [1] the current situation and past trends in production, supply, demand and trade in energy in the eu, against the background of major changes in the last half decade and [2] threats to the security of the supply of oil and natural gas from import regions.Fossil fuel import dependence in the eu is expected to continue to increase in the coming two decades. As global trends show, and despite new fields in the Caspian region and the Eastern Mediterranean, conventional fossil oil and gas resources remain concentrated in fewer geopolitically unstable regions and countries (i.e. the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and the Caspian Region (cr) including Russia), while global demand for fossil energy is expected to substantially increase also within the energy rich Gulf countries. This combination directly impacts eu energy supply security. It should be noted that the trend towards higher levels of import dependence was not interrupted when the era of low energy prices, between 1980 and 2003, came to an end.Within the eu itself, domestic resistance to the development of unconventional resources is an obstacle to investment in unconventional sources in this part of the high-income world. This should therefore not put at risk investments in either renewables or alternative sources at home or conventional resources mainly in the Arab-Middle East.The situation is exacerbated by the spread of instability in the Arab-Middle Eastern countries. There are three domestic and geopolitical concerns to be taken into consideration:(1) In the Arab-Middle East, threats to eu energy supply security originate in the domestic regime of these countries. Almost all Arab resource-rich countries belong to a type ofpatrimonial, rentier-type of state-society relation. These regimes rely on rents from the exploitation of energy resources and the way in which rents are distributed.Regimes of this type are being challenged. Their economies show uneven economic development, centralized power structures, corruption and poverty at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The discrimination of females is a major obstacle to the development of the service sector. At present, even the monarchies fear the spread of violent conflict.Offshoots of these consequences have proven to cause civil unrest, exemplified by what optimists have called the ‘Arab Spring.’(2) The second concern is the domestic and global impact of Sovereign Wealth Funds (swfs) managed by Arab patrimonial rentier states. swfs have proven to be an asset in both developing and developed economies due to their ability to buffer the ‘Dutch Disease,’ and to encourage industrialization, economic diversification and eventually the development of civil society. In patrimonial states, however, swfs are affected by corruption and the diversion of funds away from long-term socioeconomic development to luxury consumption by political elites. In fact, Arab swfs underpin the persistence of the Arab patrimonial rentier state system.(3) Finally, the post-Cold War, me and cea geopolitical landscape is shifting. The emergence of China and other Asian economies has increased their presence in the Middle East due to a growing need for energy and the expansion of Asian markets. The recent discovery of energy resources in the us has led to speculation that there will be less us presence in the region. There would be a serious risk to eu energy security if emerging Asian economies were to increase their presence in the Middle East as us interests recede.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Lukáš Tichý

This article focuses on the relationship between the EU actorness and the internal and external dimension of energy policy in an effort to conceptualize the EU energy actorness. In this respect, the main goals of the article are two. The first is to identify the basic aspects of EU actorness and to define their interrelationship in energy policy. The second is to conceptualize individual criteria of the external and internal dimensions of EU energy actorness and to analyze the possibilities of their use in the context of the discussion between conventional constructivism and rationalism. The intention is to create a modified framework incorporating the internal and external dimension of the EU’s energy actorness, operationalized by a set of criteria that can be used to analyze the EU energy policy and its relations. The article should contribute to understanding the issue of the EU’s actorness and to deepening the debate on energy policy.


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