Moving from Feminist Identity Politics To Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza

Hypatia ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane L. Fowlkes
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Feminist Identity ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
The Subject

Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.

scholarly journals Socio-Cultural Self-Identification: Lost, Created and Asserted Identity

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
Ostroglazova Natalia A. ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Identity Change ◽  
Philosophy Of Culture ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Subject ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Identity Transformations

Mutual influence of external and internal factors that determine the process of sociocultural identification is now becoming increasingly interrelated and unpredictable. The documentation of the observed trends in the media text, which is the subject of this study, allows for the research study and philosophical understanding of the ongoing changes. In particular, a comprehensive analysis of the publications in the authoritative British magazine The Economist in recent years made it possible to identify the main contexts in which the linguistic projection of the concept of identity constitutes itself, as well as to establish the most noticeable directions of its changes. The analysis of the dynamics of these changes, in turn, opened up the opportunity to highlight the main directions of the search and conditions for the adoption of new identities, that complement or replace existing ones. As a result of the research, it has been proved: from the standpoint of the authors of The Economist, first, politics always directly or indirectly affects all dimensions of personal and collective identity; secondly, any political action today is perceived by them in the context of identity politics. If for the subject identity determines meaning and provides security, then for the external actors it is an opportunity to gain political weight through “support” and “pressure”. According to the stance of The Economist, identity change often occurs arbitrarily rather than involuntarily and represents the promotion (akin to advertising) of group identity. Several conclusions of the study concern how natural language is able to convey the subtleties of identity dynamics, and how this is related to the development of the concept of identity culture. The results of the study are applicable for a detailed analysis of the discourse of identity by specialists from different scientific fields, as well as for the development of communicative competence in general. Keywords: philosophy of culture, sociocultural identity, identity transformations, media representation, conceptualization, identity politics

scholarly journals Butler and Postanalytic Philosophy

Hypatia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Paul Giladi
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Cognitive Strategies ◽  
Judith Butler ◽  
Feminist Identity ◽  
Wilfrid Sellars ◽  
Poststructuralist Feminism ◽  
Pragmatic Account ◽  
Space Of Reasons ◽  
Definition Of

Abstract This article has two aims: (i) to bring Judith Butler and Wilfrid Sellars into conversation; and (ii) to argue that Butler's poststructuralist critique of feminist identity politics has metaphilosophical potential, given her pragmatic parallel with Sellars's critique of conceptual analyses of knowledge. With regard to (i), I argue that Butler's objections to the definitional practice constitutive of certain ways of construing feminism is comparable to Sellars's critique of the analytical project geared toward providing definitions of knowledge. Specifically, I propose that moving away from a definition of woman to what one may call poststructuralist sites of woman parallels moving away from a definition of knowledge to a pragmatic account of knowledge as a recognizable standing in the normative space of reasons. With regard to (ii), I argue that the important parallels between Butler's poststructuralist feminism and Sellars's antirepresentationalist normative pragmatism about knowledge enable one to think of her poststructuralist feminism as mapping out pragmatic cognitive strategies and visions for doing philosophy. This article starts a conversation between two philosophers whom the literature has yet to fully introduce to each other.

nr="309"Innere Sicherheit, Sprache und Biographie. : Eine biographietheoretische Perspektive auf einen komplexen Zusammenhang

2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 309-325
Author(s):  
Nadja Thoma
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Language Ideologies ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Native Speaker ◽  
Language Education ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Analytical Perspective ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Innere Sicherheit

Zusammenfassung Im Kontext der zunehmenden Versicherheitlichung von Migration, deren Bedeutung auch für sprachliche Bildung im Kontext nationaler und globaler Sicherheitsagenden diskutiert wird, werden bestimmte Gruppen von Migrant*innen als Sicherheitsbedrohung konstruiert. Die Instrumentalisierung von Sprache für Identitätspolitik, die im Konzept von Sprache als ,Schlüssel zur Integration‘ besonders deutlich wird und unter Rückgriff auf Sprachideologien erklärt werden kann, bleibt nicht ohne Folgen für Angehörige minorisierter Gruppen. Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, was ,innere Sicherheit‘ für Student*innen bedeutet, denen zugeschrieben wird, keine ,native speaker‘ zu sein. Den Bezugspunkt der ,inneren Sicherheit‘ bildet dabei nicht der Nationalstaat, sondern das Subjekt. Aus einer biographieanalytischen Perspektive wird rekonstruiert, mit welchen (Un-)Sicherheitsdimensionen die Subjekte an der Universität und in Hinblick auf ihre beruflichen Pläne konfrontiert sind, wie Sicherheit und Sprache biographisch eingebettet sind und welche Strategien und Wege die Student*innen (nicht) nutzen (können), um ihre Sicherheitsspielräume zu erweitern.Abstract: In light of the increasing securitization of migration, language education is discussed as part of national and global security agendas, and certain groups of migrants have been constructed as a security threat. The instrumentalization of language for identity politics is particularly evident in the concept of language as a ‘key to integration’ and can be explained with language ideologies. These ideologies are not without consequences for members of minoritized groups. The article at hand explores the meaning of ‘internal security’ for university students who are not considered ‘native speakers’. The reference point of ‘internal security’ is not the nation state, but the subject. From a biographical-analytical perspective, the article reconstructs dimensions of security and insecurity which the subjects confront at university with regard to their professional aims. It will explore how the connection between security and language is embedded in their biographies, as well as the strategies and pathways students can and cannot use to expand their security scope.

scholarly journals Feminist Scholarship and Its Relevance for Political Engagement: The Test Case of Abortion in the US

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-43
Author(s):  
Margaret D. Kamitsuka
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Religious Studies ◽  
Test Case ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Ethical Thinking ◽  
Societal Dynamics

This essay explores how gender studies in academe, including in religious studies, might remain relevant to ongoing feminist political engagement. I explore some specific dynamics of this challenge, using as my test case the issue of abortion in the US. After discussing how three formative feminist principles (women’s experience as feminism’s starting point, the personal is political, and identity politics) have shaped approaches to the abortion issue for feminist scholars in religion, I argue that ongoing critique, new theoretical perspectives, and attentiveness to subaltern voices are necessary for these foundational feminist principles to keep pace with fast-changing and complex societal dynamics relevant to women’s struggles for reproductive health and justice. The essay concludes by proposing natality as a helpful concept for future feminist theological and ethical thinking on the subject.

scholarly journals Reclaiming Romani-ness

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioanida Costache
Keyword(s):  
Gender Identity ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Gendered Identities ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Epistemic Systems ◽  
Porous Boundaries

Drawing on theories of identity postulated by cultural theorists, scholars of gender identity, and critical race theorists, I explore issues of identity politics and “Otherness” as they pertain to Romani identity, history and activism. By critiquing the latent bifurcation of identity and subjectivity in Judith Butler’s theory of performativity as well as her explicit adherence to universalism, I begin to outline a (post-Hegelian) hermeneutic in which narratives of self enable political processes of self-determination against symbolic and epistemic systems of racialization and minoritization.[1] Roma identity both serves as an oppressive social category while at the same time empowering people for whom a shared ethnic group provides a sense of solidarity and community. In re-conceptualizing, reimagining and re-claiming Romani-ness, we can make movements towards outlining a new Romani subjectivity – a subjectivity that is firmly rooted in counterhistories of Roma, with porous boundaries that both celebrate our diversity and foster solidarity. I come to the subject of Romani identity from an understanding that our racialized and gendered identities are both performed and embodied – forming part of the horizon from which we make meaning of the world. I wish to recast the discourse surrounding Romani identity as hybridized and multicultural, as well as, following Glissant, embedded into a pluritopic notion of history.

scholarly journals Pembentukan Identitas Santri dalam Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 271
Author(s):  
Min Hajul Abidin
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Capacity ◽  
Unique Identity ◽  
The Subject

The purpose of the study is to find out How identity politics conducted by santri’s. Through a qualitative approach with the subject amounted to 2 people. The results of this study prove that both subjects developed their political capacity through parliamentary struggle and amoeba political strategy by spreading to strategic posts. In addition there is a unique identity that santri have when plunging in politics, where identity as a santri is a pride because it has more value than other politicians who plunge in politics. In addition to this, politics is also regarded as a way of worship and khodamul ummah, not solely because of the position.

scholarly journals Archaeology and identity politics. A cross-disciplinary perspective

2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Vermeersch
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Full Account ◽  
Units Of Analysis ◽  
Identity Group ◽  
Disciplinary Perspective ◽  
Stable Categories ◽  
The Relationship

What scholars are committed to in principle is not always what they are likely to uphold in practice. Adam T. Smith examines – and deplores – the striking discrepancy between the centrality of the constructivist idiom in a variety of disciplines and the tendency of archaeologists to continue to treat archaeological subjects (be they ethnic groups, classes, nations, races, cultures or any other kind of identity group) as given entities and stable units of analysis. Smith's concern is not merely about the consistency of the discipline's theoretical underpinnings. In fact, his greatest worry turns out to be political: an archaeology that reconstitutes, rather than deconstructs, the essential subject may be wrongly used as a foundation for contemporary political action (such as nationalism). Thus he invites archaeologists to revise the relationship between scholarly analysis and political practice. Smith not only suggests taking into full account the malleability of identity groups in relation to changing sociopolitical contexts, but he also incites scholars to bend their minds to the sociopolitical circumstances within which seemingly stable categories of identity are produced. Archaeologists should be careful not to ‘essentialize’ identities, he concludes, but instead shift their attention to exposing the strategic practices deployed by those who do ‘essentialize’ identities.

Organizing for Economic Justice in The Late 1960s

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Penny Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Christian Leadership ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Racial Injustice ◽  
Poor People's Campaign ◽  
Southern Christian Leadership Conference ◽  
Martin Luther King

Shortly before the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) launched the Poor People’s Campaign that aimed to highlight the links between economic and racial injustice. Although t 1960s are usually characterized as a period in which race, gender and sexuality were the key identity issues for American protest, this chapter brings to the fore issues of class and poverty. From SCLC to labor unions to coalitions of African American single mothers, a range of activist organizations waged their own wars on poverty, putting into action the poverty tours that Robert Kennedy conducted in the mid-1960s and accounts such as socialist Michael Harrington’s influential 1962 book The Other America. These organizations worked at the intersections between economic and identity politics. Their successes and failures account for the new, often regressive contours of political action, discourse and policy around class and poverty in the following decades, and the re-emergence of a progressive vision in contemporary protest movements such as Occupy Wall Street.

Liberal Restrictions on Public Arguments: Can Nationalist Claims be Moral Reasons in Liberal Public Discourse?

1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 235-260
Author(s):  
Geneviève Nootens
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Moral Reasons ◽  
Liberal Nationalism ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Relationship

Asserting the relationship between liberalism and nationalism is no easy matter. Liberal philosophers have been very suspicious of the phenomenon of nationalism, partly for historical reasons (e.g., national socialism) and partly for philosophical ones (amongst which a belief that liberal principles would override people's need for identification with ethnocultural communities). But even if some still consider the expression ‘liberal nationalism’ to be an oxymoron, most of current Anglo-American liberal work on the subject leans toward a more nuanced approach, trying to specify how hospitable liberalism should be to nationalistic claims. The challenge, from this point of view, is to explain why and how political philosophy can incorporate national attachments to amoralargument on people's identity and distributive justice. In fact, it seems that nationalist rhetoric has found in identity politics a rather safe (even if narrow) way of entering liberal discourse.

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