Resource Mobilization and Political Opportunity in the Nicaraguan Revolution:.

1991 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred G. Cuzan
2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Ward

I examine variation in nativist organizing through an analysis of the number of nativist organizations in U.S. counties. I make two primary contributions to literatures on anti-immigrant phenomena and right-wing mobilization. First, I investigate the extent to which theories of threat, in addition to resource mobilization and political opportunity theories, further our understandings of nativist mobilization. Pro-immigrant oppositional activism and racist hate resource and organizational bases facilitate this mobilization, whereas a weak economic base, growing working-class base, and increasing Latino political representation constrain it. In addition, the association between nativist mobilization and Latino population change, as well as conservative voting, is curvilinear (inverted U). Nativist mobilization thrives in the presence of low-to-moderate levels of demographic threat, as well as in contexts in which political conservatism is present but weak enough to make the conservative, nativist identity nonnormative. Second, few studies examine nonattitudinal or noninstitutionalized anti-immigrant phenomena. There is little understanding of whether or not social structures facilitating anti-immigrant attitudes and institutionalized anti-immigrant activity similarly influence the presence of anti-immigrant mobilization. Although results suggest that political and cultural threats shape diverse anti-immigrant phenomena, I also point to a unique set of structural conditions beyond threat to explain nativist mobilization in particular.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-468
Author(s):  
Takeshi Wada

Scholars have argued the importance of understanding repertoires of contention, but there is little research on the quality of these repertoires across countries and over time. In this article, I seek to fill this gap and address the following questions: How flexible or rigid are repertoires of contention across countries and over time? Do they converge on a type that Tilly called “strong,” which is closer to the rigid end of the spectrum, as Tilly expected? What accounts for the differences across countries and over time in the flexibility of repertoires? Do political opportunity or resource mobilization theories explain the variation? To address these questions, I create measures from data on contentious events worldwide between 1990 and 2004 provided by the World Handbook of Political Indicators IV. I find that the flexibility of repertoires does indeed cluster around Tilly's strong model. Employing an innovative “random effect within-between model” to separate out two types of effects of explanatory factors, I find some support for each theory. State strength at the crossnational level increases the rigidity of repertoires, whereas increases in income over time increase the flexibility of repertoires.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Chenoweth ◽  
Jay Ulfelder

Despite the prevalence of nonviolent uprisings in recent history, no existing scholarship has produced a generalized explanation of when and where such uprisings are most likely to occur. Our primary aim in this article is to evaluate whether different available models—namely, grievance approaches, modernization theory, resource mobilization theory, and political opportunity approaches—are useful in explaining the onset of major nonviolent uprisings. We assemble a reduced list of correlates based on each model and use each model’s out-of-sample area under the curve and logarithmic score to test each theory’s explanatory power. We find that the political opportunity model performs best for both in- and out-of-sample cases, though grievance and resource mobilization approaches also provide some explanatory power. We use a culled model of the predicted probabilities of the strongest-performing variables from all models to forecast major nonviolent uprisings in 2011 and 2012. In this out-of-sample test, all models produce mixed results, suggesting greater emphasis on agency over structure in explaining these episodes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Afdhal Afdhal ◽  
Rakhmat Hidayat

Penelitian ini berangkat dari fenomena menjamurnya gerakan guru pasca jatuhnya rezim Orde Baru. Guru yang tergabung dalam serikat guru memperjuangkan kualitas pendidikan dan keadilan sosial dalam pendidikan. Salah satu serikat guru yang fokus terhadap misi tersebut adalah Federasi Serikat Guru Indonesia (FSGI). Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah menjabarkan bagaimana perjuangan yang dilakukan oleh FSGI dalam mewujudkan pendidikan yang berkualitas dan berkeadilan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kualitatif dengan mengombinasikan beberapa metode pengumpulan data, yakni observasi, wawancara mendalam, dan survey. Sementara itu, hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa gerakan yang dilakukan oleh FSGI didorong dua hal, yaitu perubahan struktur peluang politik (political opportunity structure) secara eksternal dan proses reproduksi sumber daya gerakan (resource mobilization) secara internal. Perubahan struktur politik di Indonesia terlihat sejak munculnya kebebasan berorganisasi yang tertuang dalam UU No. 14 tahun 2005 tentang guru dan dosen. Adapun peran FSGI adalah mereproduksi sumber daya gerakan dengan sumber daya material dan jaringan yang kuat terhadap organisasi lainnya. Kedua hal inilah yang menggiring FSGI dalam mewujudkan pendidikan yang berkualitas dan berkeadilan di Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Yaza Azzahara Ulyana

This research aims to describe the concept of transnational terrorism, relative deprivation and fundamentalism in various terrorism acts that occurred in Indonesia. The research method is qualitative and the type of research is explanatory that explain the cause of terrorism acts that influence by the global actors, fundamentalist that reject the changes and also satisfy the expectation in many aspects in the country from economics to the politics. The results of this research indicate that most of the terrorism cases in Indonesia has various motives starting from their mission in bringing the country led by a caliphate to enforcing the regulations of the country based on the Islamic teachings. Viewed from the perspective of social movements, framing, and resource mobilization strategies seen in the rejection‟s movements of the Transnational Islamic Organization. In addition, the political opportunity structure in the reformation era makes the system and political structure existed became more open. It has provided an opportunity for Transnational Islamic Organization to conduct its movement in criticizing the government.


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