Courts between Democracy and Hybrid Authoritarianism: Evidence from the Venezuelan Supreme Court

2011 ◽  
Vol 36 (04) ◽  
pp. 854-884 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul A. Sanchez Urribarri

This article offers a theoretical discussion about courts in “hybrid regimes” that evolve from formerly democratic countries. The evolution toward authoritarianism typically allows governments more latitude to reduce judicial independence and judicial power. Yet, several reasons, including legitimacy costs, a tradition of using courts for judicial adjudication and social control, and even the use of courts for quenching dissent may discourage rulers from shutting down the judicial contestation arena and encourage them instead to appeal to less overbearing measures. This usually leads to a decline of the judiciary's proclivity to challenge the government, especially in salient cases. To illustrate these dynamics, I discuss the rise and fall of judicial power in Venezuela under Chávez's rule, focusing on the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court. Formerly the most powerful institution in the country's history, the Chamber briefly emerged as an influential actor at the beginning of the regime, but a comprehensive intervention of the judiciary in 2004 further politicized the court and effectively reduced its policy-making role.

2020 ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Yuli Asmara Triputra ◽  
Derry Angling Kesuma ◽  
Silvana Oktanisa ◽  
Wasitoh Meirani

Abstrak Guru adalah pendidik profesional yang tugas dan perannya telah diatur dalam peraturan perundang-undangan. Negara selaku pemangku kewajiban dalam melindungi warga negara terkhusus guru, dituntut peran aktifnya dalam melindungi guru dari tindakan kriminalisasi akibat melaksanakan tugas profesionalnya. Pada tataran peraturan, pemerintah telah melakukan tindakan aktif berupa pengundangan beberapa peraturan terkait tugas dan peran guru. Namun dalam taraf penegakan hukum, masih sering ditemui guru yang berhadapan dengan hukum akibat laporan dari orang tua murid atas tindakan guru yang mendisiplinkan murid. Mahkamah Agung selaku judex juris, melalui Putusan Nomor : 1554K/ Pid/ 2013 telah memvonis bebas guru di Majalengka yang bernama Aop Saopudin selaku terdakwa karena Mahkamah Agung menganggap apa yang dilakukannya sudah menjadi tugasnya dan bukan bukan merupakan suatu tindak pidana dan terdakwa tidak dapat dijatuhi pidana atas perbuatan/tindakannya tersebut karena bertujuan untuk mendidik agar menjadi murid yang baik dan berdisiplin. Putusan Mahkamah Agung merupakan wujud tanggungjawab negara melalui lembaga kekuasaan kehakiman memberikan perlindungan terhadap guru dalam melaksanakan tugas profesionalnya. Kata Kunci : Tanggungjawab negara, Perlindungan, Guru. Abstract Teachers are professional educators whose duties and roles have been regulated in the legislation. The state as a stakeholder in protecting citizens, especially teachers, is required to play an active role in protecting teachers from criminalization due to carrying out their professional duties. At the regulatory level, the government has taken active action in the form of the invite of several regulations related to the duties and roles of teachers. However, in law enforcement level, there are still often teachers who face the law due to reports from parents of students for the actions of teachers who discipline students. The Supreme Court as judex juris, through The Verdict Number: 1554K / Pid / 2013 has sentenced a free teacher in Majalengka named Aop Saopudin as a defendant because the Supreme Court considers what he did has become his duty and not a criminal act and the defendant can not be sentenced for his actions because it aims to educate to be a good student and disciplined. The Supreme Court's decision is a manifestation of the state's responsibility through the institution of judicial power to provide protection to teachers in carrying out their professional duties.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-75
Author(s):  
Ajepe Taiwo Shehu

Abstract This paper examines judicial review and judicial power in Nigeria under the 1999 Constitution in relation to the constitution itself and in relation to the political branches of government. Th is is essentially to locate where lays supremacy between the branches and the judiciary particularly the Supreme Court with its final appellate jurisdiction. Judicial review and supremacy of the judiciary had been of recurring academic discuss in some jurisdictions with written Constitutions, particularly the United States from where Nigeria largely borrowed its presidential constitutionalism. This thus suggests that there is a need to examine the controversy within the context of Nigeria’s experience; is it really in the Constitution that creates branches of the government and that is proclaimed to be supreme over all authorities including the judiciary? Is it in the judiciary whose oversight function cuts across the political branches and whose interpretative decisions are binding on the constitution itself and the other branches? Is it in the executive that appoints and removes Justices of the court subject to confirmation by the Senate, or is it in the legislature? The paper argues that the overriding effect of the judicial power of the Supreme Court over all persons and authorities including the Constitution puts the judiciary in supreme position, that being the natural consequence of the power so vested in the judiciary by the “People Themselves.”


Author(s):  
Jiaxi (Jessie) Han

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms empowers the Supreme Court to interpret and uphold values entrenched in the Constitution by giving it the responsibility to review legislative and executive actions, and invalidate them in case of non-compliance. While scholars have noted the growing influence of the Court’s judicial power on policy outcomes, its supporters argue that a robust interpretation of rights protects citizens to be treated equally in order to participate in democratic politics; on the other hand, its critics suspect how judicial reviews could avoid interfering with the will of people, which is expressed through elected representatives in other branches of the government. Despite such disagreement, most scholars think the Charter creates new constitutional actors in the form of ethnic minorities, and therefore makes balancing between different interests especially difficult and controversial. My paper picks up on this debate in the scholarly literature to argue that the Court often tends to place a greater emphasis on equality over liberty when interpreting the Charter, and some freedoms cannot be achieved without the government actively promotes them through direct intervention. To develop this argument, I examine how the changes in relationship between Canadian government and minority groups impose challenges in governing the country as a result of the Charter. In particular, I focus on cases involving religious and language minorities to illustrate how the Court attempts to solve the legal puzzle following secular and egalitarian principles.   References Beaman, Lori G. 2012. “Is Religious Freedom Impossible in Canada?” Law, Culture and the Humanities 8(2): 266-84. Grover, Sonja. 2006. “The right to minority language public school education as a function of the equality guarantee: a reanalysis of the Gosselin Supreme Court of Canada Charter case.” Education and the Law 18(4): 283-94. Hiebert, Janet L. 2002. Charter Conflicts: What Is Parliament’s Role? Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Manfredi, Christopher P. 1994. “‘Appropriate and Just in the Circumstances’: Public Policy and the Enforcement of Rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 27(3): 435-63. Morton, F.L. and Rainer Knopff. 2000. The Charter Revolution and the Court Party. Peterborough: Broadview Press. Smithey, Shannon Ishiyama. 2001. “Religious Freedom and Equality Concerns under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 34(1): 85-107. Weinrib, Lorraine Eisenstat. 2001. “The Activist Constitution.” Judicial Power and Canadian Democracy, ed. Paul Howe and Peter H. Russell. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Magun Pikahulan

Abstract: The Plato's conception of the rule of law states that good governance is based on good law. The organization also spreads to the world of Supreme Court justices, the election caused a decadence to the institutional status of the House of Representatives as a people's representative in the government whose implementation was not in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court No.27/PUU-XI/2013 explains that the House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only approve or disapprove candidates for Supreme Court Justices that have been submitted by the Judicial Commission. In addition, the proportion of proposed Supreme Court Justices from the judicial commission to the House of Representatives (DPR) has changed, whereas previously the Judicial Commission had to propose 3 (three) of each vacancy for the Justices, now it is only one of each vacant for Supreme Court Judges. by the Supreme Court. The House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only "approve" or "disagree" the Supreme Judge candidates nominated by the Judicial Commission.


Author(s):  
Adrian Kuenzler

The persuasive force of the accepted account’s property logic has driven antitrust and intellectual property law jurisprudence for at least the past three decades. It has been through the theory of trademark ownership and the commercial strategy of branding that these laws led the courts to comprehend markets as fundamentally bifurcated—as operating according to discrete types of interbrand and intrabrand competition—a division that had an effect far beyond the confines of trademark law and resonates today in the way government agencies and courts evaluate the emerging challenges of the networked economy along the previously introduced distinction between intertype and intratype competition. While the government in its appeal to the Supreme Court in ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-85
Author(s):  
Alasman Mpesau

In the General Election and Regional Head Election Law, the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) has the authority supervisory to each Election stages, it is the center for law enforcement activities of the Election (Sentra Gakkumdu) to criminal acts and carrying out the judicial functions for investigating, examining, and decided on administrative disputes of General Election and Regional Head Election.  With the Bawaslu’s authority then placed as a super-body institution in the ranks of the Election Management Body, due to its essential role in building a clean and credible electoral system, it also has potential for abuse of power within it. In Law no. 48 of 2009 concerning Judicial Power has defined state institutions that have the authority to administrate judicial functions. These are the Supreme Court and Judicial Bodies that under its lines of general court, Religious Courts, Military Courts, Administrative Court (PTUN) and the Constitutional Court. The research method is normative juridical, that focuses on the analysis of the laws and regulations on General Election, Regional Head Elections and the Law on Judicial Power. The analytical tool is descriptive analysis, by describing the main issues, an analysis is carried out that was supported by case-approach related to the research. The study concludes that Bawaslu in carrying out judicial functions in its position as a semi-judicial institution has not a hierarchical relationship to the Supreme Court (MA) and the Constitutional Court (MK); however, what does exist is functional relationship.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane

This article argues that the Senate’s refusal to consider the nomination of Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court should be deemed unconstitutional. The Senate’s stonewalling disrespected the institutional needs of the judiciary, violated the constitutional norm of forbearance in the exercise of power, and assumed a Senate role in the appointments process that was never intended. Although no court would ever enjoin a recalcitrant President to make a nomination or an obstructionist Senate to meet with, deliberate over, or vote on a presidential nominee to the Supreme Court or anything else, the President’s and the Senators’ oaths to “support the Constitution” should be understood as entailing a good faith commitment to enabling the government to function.


2020 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-257
Author(s):  
V. V. Chumak

The role and place of higher specialized courts in the judicial system of Ukraine have been studied and determined. The author has studied such main categories as “judicial system of Ukraine”, “judiciary”, “judicial system” and “judicial power”. The judicial system of Ukraine has been established. The normative and legal base of functioning of highest specialized courts of Ukraine has been characterized. The author has provided own definition of the categories “judicial system of Ukraine” and “judicial power of Ukraine”. The author has offered to understand the category of “judicial system of Ukraine” as the totality of all hierarchically structured elements of the system (courts), which are endowed with exclusive competence to administer justice, built on the principles of territoriality and specialization, are defined by law and united by general principles of their organization and activity. In turn, the concept of “judicial power of Ukraine” is defined as the activity of courts (judicial system) to administer justice and to perform their professional duties within the limits and in the manner prescribed by the Constitution and laws of Ukraine in accordance with international and legal documents. It has been determined that highest specialized courts in the judicial system of Ukraine are the Supreme Court on Intellectual Property Issues and the Supreme Anti-Corruption Court. It has been concluded that highest specialized courts in the judicial system of Ukraine play an important role in the holistic mechanism of the entire judicial system, since they are endowed with exclusive competence to consider and decide cases on the merits of certain categories, and their activities are determined at the level of a separate regulatory act, which determines their legal status, and hence their place in the judicial system of Ukraine.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 399
Author(s):  
Akmal Adicahya

Access to justice is everyone rights that have to be fulfilled by the government. The regulation number 16 year 2011 of legal aid is an instrument held by the government to guarantee the right. The regulation allowed the participation of non-advocates to provide the legal aid. Through this policy, government emphasizes that:1) Indonesia is a state law which legal aid is an obliged instrument; 2) the prohibition of non-advocate to participate in legal aid is not relevant due to inadequate amount of advocate and citizen seek for justice (justiciabelen), and the advocate is not widely extended throughout Indonesia; 3) Non-Advocates, especially lecturer and law student are widely spread; 4) there are no procedural law which prohibits non-advocate to provide a legal aid. Those conditions are enough argument for government to strengthen the participation of non-advocates in providing legal aid. Especially for The Supreme Court to revise The Book II of Guidance for Implementing Court’s Job and Administration.Keywords: legal aid, non-advocate, justice


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