Cross‐National Solidarity and Political Sustainability in the EU after the Crisis

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ferrera ◽  
Carlo Burelli
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marion Del Sol ◽  
Marco Rocca

The European Union appears to be promoting at the same time both cross-national mobility of workers and an increased role for occupational pensions. There is, however, a potential tension between these two objectives because workers risk losing (some of) their pension rights under an occupational scheme as a consequence of their mobility. After long negotiations, the EU has addressed this issue through a minimum standards Directive. Shortly before the adoption of this Directive, the Court of Justice also delivered an important decision in the same field, in the case of Casteels v British Airways. By analysing the resulting legal framework for safeguarding pension rights under occupational schemes in the context of workers’ mobility, we argue that the application of the case law developed by the Court of Justice in the field of free movement of workers has the potential to offer superior protection compared to the Directive. We also highlight the fact that the present legal framework seems to afford a much fuller protection to the intra-company cross-national mobility of workers employed by multinational companies, while also seemingly favouring mobility for highly specialised workers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Garzia ◽  
Alexander Trechsel ◽  
Lorenzo De Sio

Throughout the years, political scientists have devised a multitude of techniques to position political parties on various ideological and policy/issue dimensions. So far, however, none of these techniques was able to evolve into a “gold standard” in party positioning. Against this background, one could recently witness the appearance of a new methodology for party positioning tightly connected to the spread of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), i.e. an iterative method that aims at improving existing techniques using a combination of party self-placement and expert judgement. Such a method, as pioneered by the Dutch Kieskompas, was first systematically employed on a large cross-national scale by the EU Profiler VAA in the context of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. This article introduces the party placement datasets generated by euandi (reads: EU and I), a transnational VAA for the 2014 EP elections. The scientific relevance of the euandi endeavour lies primarily in its choice to stick to the iterative method of party positioning employed by the EU Profiler in 2009 as well as in the choice to keep as many as 17 policy statements in the 2014 questionnaire in order to allow for cross-national, longitudinal research on party competition in Europe across a five-year period. This article provides a brief review of traditional methods of party positioning and contrasts them to the iterative method employed by the euandi team. It then introduces the specifics of the project, facts and figures of the data collection procedure, and the details of the resulting dataset encompassing 242 parties from the whole EU28.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Martín-Fernández ◽  
Enrique Gracia ◽  
Marisol Lila

Abstract Background Intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) is a worldwide public health problem. One of the most frequent forms of this type of violence in western societies is psychological IPVAW. According to the European Union (EU) Fundamental Rights Association (FRA) the prevalence of psychological IPVAW in the EU is 43%. However, the measurement invariance of the measure addressing psychological IPVAW in this survey has not yet been assessed. Methods The aim of this study is to ensure the cross-national comparability of this measure, by evaluating its measurement invariance across the 28 EU countries in a sample of 37,724 women, and to examine how the levels of this type of violence are distributed across the EU. Results Our results showed that the psychological IPVAW measure presented adequate psychometric properties (reliability and validity) in all countries. A latent structure of one factor was supported and scalar invariance was established in all countries. The average levels of psychological IPVAW were higher in countries like Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, and Sweden compared to the rest of the EU countries. In many of the other countries the levels of this type of violence overlapped. Conclusion Our findings underlined the importance of using appropriate statistical methods to make valid cross-national comparisons in large population surveys.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Rye ◽  
Janina Welsch ◽  
Aljaž Plevnik ◽  
Roberto de Tommasi

2018 ◽  
pp. 151-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Budría ◽  
Ana I. Moro-Egido

This paper examines patterns in qualification and skill mismatches between countries using data from the CEDEFOP European Skills and Jobs Survey for 28 EU countries. We assess the incidence of both types of mismatches across the EU and document the higher incidence of over instead of under qualification and skilling. The analysis of the determinants of both overqualification and overskilling shows that it is worth exploring qualification and skills mismatches separately, as they are associated with different worker profiles, job characteristics and country aggregate features. Finally, we are able to account for the contribution of aggregate level variables in explaining the incidence of mismatches across the population and countries. They are crucial for the case of overqualification, and as important as individual and job characteristics for overskilling.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316802097281
Author(s):  
K. Amber Curtis ◽  
Julie Hassing Nielsen

Studies increasingly suggest that personal predispositions affect political attitudes, including those towards the European Union (EU). Yet little is known about the extent to which personality effects on EU support generalize across European countries or attitude domains. We use original survey data from five EU member states (Denmark, Germany, Poland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) to investigate how the Big Five (B5) traits affect four different facets of public opinion toward the EU (support for further EU unification, views on EU membership, trust in EU institutions and support for using the euro). While we find that each of the B5 matters in at least one place, we find little consistency in personality’s effects across countries. Neither does any pattern emerge across most dimensions of EU support. Our results underscore the importance of isolating the contextual factors that might condition personality’s impact. They further call for greater theoretical development regarding why and how only certain national environments appear to lend themselves to personality effects. At a minimum, they suggest scholars should be wary of drawing conclusions about the B5’s impact from single cases.


2005 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maarten H.J. Wolbers

Labour market integration of school-leavers in Europe Labour market integration of school-leavers in Europe First of all, in this article the integration of school-leavers into the labour market is described for various European countries. Next, it is questioned how the observed cross-national variation can be interpreted. It is investigated to what extent structural and institutional factors are related to differences in the labour market integration of school-leavers between countries. For the empirical analysis, data from the EU LFS 2000 Ad hoc module on School-to-Work Transitions are used. The results of this analysis show considerable differences between countries regarding the integration of school-leavers into the labour market. These differences in labour market integration are indeed associated with structural and institutional factors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (8) ◽  
pp. 759-767 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivian HT So ◽  
Catherine Best ◽  
Dorothy Currie ◽  
Sally Haw

BackgroundThis study investigated the cross-national and longitudinal associations between national tobacco control policies and current smoking in 28 European Union (EU) member states between 2009 and 2017. It also examined the interaction between tobacco control policies and occupational status.MethodsWe used data from four waves of Eurobarometer (2009, 2012, 2014 and 2017). The total sample size was 105 231 individuals aged ≥15 years. Tobacco Control Scale (TCS) scores (range 0 to 100) for years 2005, 2007, 2012 and 2014 measured the strength of country-level tobacco control policies. Logistic multilevel regression analyses with three levels (the individual, the country-year and the country) were performed with current smoker as the dependent variable.ResultsAcross the EU, average smoking prevalence fell from 29.4% (95% CI 28.5% to 30.2%) in 2009 to 26.3% (95% CI 25.4% to 27.1%) in 2017. We confirmed that cross-nationally, strong national tobacco control policies are significantly associated with a low probability of smoking. A one-point increase in TCS score was associated with lower odds of smoking (OR=0.990; 95% CI 0.983 to 0.998), but longitudinally (within-country) increases in TCS were not associated with current smoking (OR=0.999; 95% CI 0.994 to 1.005). Compared with those in manual occupations, the cross-national association was stronger in the upper occupational group (conditional OR for the interaction=0.985; 95% CI 0.978 to 0.992) and weaker in the economically inactive group (conditional OR for the interaction=1.009; 95% CI 1.005 to 1.013).ConclusionDifferences in tobacco control policies between countries were associated with the probability of smoking but the changes in TCS within countries over time were not. Differences between countries in tobacco control policies were found to be most strongly associated with the likelihood of smoking in the highest occupational groups and were found to have only a weak association with smoking among the economically inactive in this sample.


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