The Sport Experience of Athletes with Intellectual Disabilities: A National Survey of Special Olympics Athletes and Their Families

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Coreen M. Harada ◽  
Gary N. Siperstein
Keyword(s):  
Social Interaction ◽  
Intellectual Disabilities ◽  
National Survey ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Life Experience ◽  
Special Olympics ◽  
Significant Life Experience ◽  
Significant Life ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The U.S

The purpose of this study was to examine the sport experience for athletes with intellectual disabilities (ID) who participate in Special Olympics (SO). This study included a nationally representative sample of 1,307 families and 579 athletes in the U.S., focusing on sport involvement over the lifespan and motives for participating and for leaving SO. Athletes with ID are similar to athletes without disabilities in that sport is a significant life experience. They participate in sport for fun (54%) and social interaction (21%). Like athletes without disabilities, SO athletes leave sport because of changes in interest (38%) but also because of program availability (33%). These findings suggest that we continue to document the involvement of people with ID in sports and work to expand the sport opportunities available.

A New Circle of Hell: The Postwar Gulag and the Rise of the Special Camps

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven A. Barnes
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Life Experience ◽  
Social World ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Social ◽  
Significant Life Experience ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Significant Life

This chapter takes the Gulag into the postwar era when authorities used the institution in an attempt to reassert social control. At the same time, arrivals from the newly annexed western territories and former Red Army soldiers dramatically altered the social world of the Gulag prisoner. New prisoner populations of war veterans, nationalist guerrillas, and peoples with significant life experience outside the Soviet Union provided a potentially combustible mix. The isolation and concentration of many of these prisoners in a small number of special camps raised even further the potential explosiveness of the population. The Gulag was a political institution, though, and it was only the death of the system's founder that would set off the explosions.

Selecting Our Own Science

2015 ◽  
Vol 658 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara K. Yeo ◽  
Michael A. Xenos ◽  
Dominique Brossard ◽  
Dietram A. Scheufele
Keyword(s):  
Information Seeking ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Media Use ◽  
News Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Scientific Issue ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
The U.S

We use an experiment with a nationally representative sample of the U.S. population to examine how political partisans consume and process media reports about nanotechnology—a scientific issue that is unfamiliar to most Americans. We manipulate the extent to which participants receive ideological cues contextualizing a news article, and follow their subsequent information seeking about nanotechnology. Our results provide insights into patterns of media use and how media use differs among people with varying political ideologies. When cues clarifying the political stakes of nanotechnology are made available, individuals are willing to read information from countervailing sources. When such cues are lacking, however, individuals avoid incongruent information and opt for headlines from attitude-consistent sources. We explore variations in the circumstances under which ideological selectivity occurs and demonstrate that both confirmation bias and defensive avoidance are heightened under such conditions.

Immigration and Family Separation in the U.S. at the Turn of the Twentieth Century

1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arodys Robles ◽  
Susan Cotts Watkins
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Family Separation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Ethnic Stereotypes ◽  
Parents And Children ◽  
Living Together ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The U.S

This essay provides the first quantitative and comparative estimates based on a nationally representative sample of the extent and duration of family separation associated with immigration to the U.S. at the turn of the century. It uses information from the Public Use Sample of the 1910 U.S. Census to examine the separation of husbands and wives, and parents and children, and compares the largest ethnic groups (British, Irish, Scandinavians, Germans, Poles, Italians, and Jews). Of those couples who were living together at the time of the 1910 census and who had married before immigration, more than half immigrated in the same year. Children were often separated from their fathers but rather rarely from their mothers. Most separations of any kind were brief, usually lasting less than two years. Some of our estimates are in line with the findings of others, while in other cases they raise questions about ethnic myths and ethnic stereotypes.

Updating Supreme Court Legitimacy: Testing the “Rule, Learn, Update” Model of Political Communication

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 980-1002 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Gibson ◽  
Miguel M. Pereira ◽  
Jeffrey Ziegler
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Supreme Court Decision ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Empirical Tests ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The U.S

One of the more important innovations in the study of how citizens assess the U.S. Supreme Court is the ideological updating model, which assumes that citizens grant legitimacy to the institution according to the perceived distance between themselves and the Court on a unidimensional ideological (liberal–conservative) continuum. Under this model, citizens are also said to update this calculation with every new salient Supreme Court decision. The model’s requirements, however, do not seem to square with the long-established view that Americans are largely innocent of ideology. Here, we conduct an audit of the model’s mechanisms using a series of empirical tests applied to a nationally representative sample. Our general conclusion is that the ideological updating model, especially when supplemented with the requirement that citizens must become aware of Court decisions, simply does not square with the realities of American politics. Students of Supreme Court legitimacy may therefore want to search for other theories of legitimacy updating.

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