scholarly journals The Great Recession and Drinking Outcomes: Protective Effects of Politically Oriented Coping

2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith A. Richman ◽  
Robyn Lewis Brown ◽  
Kathleen M. Rospenda

Research derived from the stress paradigm suggests that certain types of coping (e.g., problem-focused coping instead of behavioral disengagement) are protective against problem-related drinking to deal with social stressors. Going beyond the typical focus in the coping literature, we hypothesize that stressors engendered by macrolevel social forces may require coping actions within the political realm in contrast to modes of coping focused outside of the political realm. A United States sample of 663 respondents completed a mail survey in 2010, including measures of stressful consequences of the Great Recession, drinking patterns and problems, modes of coping encompassed in the Brief COPE instrument, and politically oriented coping. Structural equation modeling examined whether modes of coping mediated the links between stressors and drinking outcomes. A substantial portion of the associations between stressors and drinking was explained by modes of coping. Politically oriented coping was protective against problem drinking for both genders. Future studies should further explore politically oriented coping in addition to modes of coping outside of the political realm when studying the relationships between macrolevel social stressors and deleterious drinking outcomes.

Populism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Giurlando

Abstract This paper argues that the “feeling of betrayal” thoroughly entangles feeling and narration into a single subjective impression. When felt by large numbers of citizens in the political realm, it motivates the desire to reassert national control over a realm where such control is perceived to have been lost. Expressions of “feeling betrayed” can be observed in the aftermath of the Great Recession and the consequent populist insurgencies impacting many Western countries, suggesting links between economic insecurity, feelings of betrayal, and the willingness to support non-mainstream political movements which demand a reassertion of national control. The paper attempts to demonstrate these links by analyzing Italy and Greece, two countries which saw a surge in support for populist groups after the Eurozone’s debt crisis.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (Supplement) ◽  
pp. 36-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albrecht Ritschl

AbstractThe Great Recession of 2008 hit the international economy harder than any other peacetime recession since the Great Contraction after 1929. Soon enough, analogies with the Great Depression were presented, and conclusions were drawn regarding the political response to the slump. This paper is an attempt to sort out real and false analogies and to present conclusions for policy. Its main hypothesis is that the Great Recession resembles the final phase of the Great Contraction between 1931 and 1933, characterized by a fast spreading global financial crisis and the breakdown of the international Gold Standard. The same is also true of the political responses to the banking problems occurring in both crises. The analogy seems less robust for the initial phase of the Great Depression after 1929. The monetary policy response to the Great Recession largely seems to be informed by the monetary interpretation of the Great Depression, but less so by the lessons from the interwar financial crises. As in the Great Depression, policy appears to be on a learning curve, moving away from a mostly monetary response toward mitigating counterpart risk and minimizing interbank contagion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110474
Author(s):  
Carlos Sanz ◽  
Albert Solé-Ollé ◽  
Pilar Sorribas-Navarro

We investigate whether corruption amplifies the political effects of economic crises. Using Spanish municipal-level data and a difference-in-difference strategy, we find that local unemployment shocks experienced during the Great Recession (2008–2015) increased political fragmentation. This effect was four times larger in municipalities exposed to malfeasance than in municipalities without a history of political corruption. We bolster this evidence by showing that, conditional on province and population strata fixed effects, there is no evidence of differential pre-trends. We also find that the interaction of unemployment and corruption harms the two traditional main parties and benefits especially the new party on the left ( Podemos).


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-31
Author(s):  
Muftawu Dzang Alhassan ◽  
Ibrahim Osman Adam ◽  
Alhassan Musah

This study examines the impact of ICT access and ICT skills on e-government development in 135 countries globally. Whilst extant studies in information systems research have examined the factors that lead to successful e-government development, these studies fail to view ICT access and skills as dual necessities such that without either, the success of e-government development can be derailed. Previous studies have also failed to consider the mediating effect of a country's political and regulatory environment on e-government development. The authors address these by relying on secondary data and partial least squares-structural equation modeling to test a model based on the technology-organization-environment framework. The results show that ICT skills positively influences e-government development, whilst ICT access and the political and regulatory environment do not. Furthermore, the political and regulatory environment was found to positively mediate the link between ICT access and e-government development. Whilst the findings make important contributions to e-government research at the global level, this research provides some implications for policy and practice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 152-160
Author(s):  
Eva H. Önnudóttir ◽  
Agnar Freyr Helgason ◽  
Ólafur Th. Hardarson ◽  
Hulda Thórisdóttir

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kostis Kornetis

This article engages the argument that the 2008–2009 Great Recession forced a revisiting of the period of transitions in Spain, Greece, and Portugal as “political masterpieces,” especially among a younger generation of activists. It argues that this radical reevaluation turned the conflicting generational recollections of the past into pivotal components of present political contestation. Moreover, it shows how the redeeming power of the transitions animates the political, cultural, and public discourse of young politicized people who, although (or precisely because) they have not experienced these events directly, keep returning to them to make sense of contemporary politics. The complex relations between past and present are analyzed using oral histories with the so-called Generation 2 of the transitions, namely people who have only “projective memories” of these events during the 1970. Especially relevant is the effects of their participation in the 2011 indignados movements.


2003 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esteban Sánchez Moreno ◽  
Ana Barrón López de Roda

Previous research has revealed a persistent association between social structure and mental health. However, most researchers have focused only on the psychological and psychosocial aspects of that relationship. The present paper indicates the need to include the social and structural bases of distress in our theoretical models. Starting from a general social and psychological model, our research considered the role of several social, environmental, and structural variables (social position, social stressors, and social integration), psychological factors (self-esteem), and psychosocial variables (perceived social support). The theoretical model was tested working with a group of Spanish participants (N = 401) that covered a range of social positions. The results obtained using structural equation modeling support our model, showing the relevant role played by psychosocial, psychological and social, and structural factors. Implications for theory and intervention are discussed.


Author(s):  
Sebastián Royo

After over two decades of prolonged economic growth, Spain suffered its worst economic crisis in decades between 2008 and 2014. The political, social, and economic consequences of this crisis were very severe: unemployment increased sharply reaching over 27 per cent; inequalities deepened; and the two-party political system was transformed by the emergence of new parties. The implementation of structural reforms, which intensified as a result of the European Union financial sector bailout of 2012, led to economic recovery. As a result, credit was restored, strong economic growth resumed, and the political system did not implode. Yet, persistently high unemployment (particularly as regards youth and long-term) as well as inequality (and to a certain extent poverty) still persist a decade after the crisis. This chapter looks at the genesis of the crisis and examines the responses to the crisis, as well as its economic, social, and political consequences.


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