Multilateral Cooperation

2015 ◽  
pp. 312-315
Author(s):  
Lars O. Kallings
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2019) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Delphine Allès

This article highlights the formulation of comprehensive conceptions of security in Indonesia, Malaysia and within the framework of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), well before their academic conceptualisation. These security doctrines have been the basis of the consolidation of state and military apparatuses in the region. They tend to be overlooked by analyses praising the recent conversion of Southeast Asian political elites to the “non-traditional security”? agenda. This latter development is perceived as a source of multilateral cooperation and a substitute for the hardly operationalisable concept of human security. However, in the region, non-traditional security proves to be a semantic evolution rather than a policy transformation. At the core of ASEAN’s security narrative, it has provided a multilateral anointing of “broad” but not deepened conceptions of security, thus legitimising wide-ranging socio-political roles for the armed forces.


2019 ◽  
pp. 323-329
Author(s):  
Y. JIA

Since 2007, the use of natural gas in China depends on the import, and with an increase in natural gas consumption, gas imports are also constantly growing. In 2018, Chinas natural gas imports approached 100 billion cubic meters, which is 70 times more than in 2006. In recent years, increasing attention has been paid to the use of natural gas in China. Turkmenistan is Chinas main source of pipeline gas imports, and China is Turkmenistans largest exporter of natural gas. In the framework of the traditional model of oil and gas cooperation, China and Turkmenistan are facing such problems as the uniform content of cooperation, lack of close ties in the field of multilateral cooperation and slow progress in the development of the entire industrial chain. Cooperation between China and Central Asia in the field of oil and gas is increasingly affecting the nerves of other countries, except the five countries of Central Asia, but including Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Iran and other countries of the Middle East, Japan, South Korea, etc. and even the European Union and the USA. Despite the favorable trading environment for both parties, there are also problems in the domestic market of Turkmenistan and the risks of international competition.


Author(s):  
Wijitbusaba Marome ◽  
Rajib Shaw

Thailand has been affected by COVID-19, like other countries in the Asian region at an early stage, and the first case was reported as early as mid-January 2020. Thailand’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been guided by the “Integrated Plan for Multilateral Cooperation for Safety and Mitigation of COVID-19”. This paper analyses the health resources in the country and focuses on the response through community-level public health system and legislative measures. The paper draws some lessons on future preparedness, especially with respect to the four priorities of Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction. At the end, the paper puts some key learning for future preparedness. While Thailand’s response to COVID-19 has been effective in limiting the spread of the disease, it falls short at being able to address the multiple dimensions of the crisis such as the economic and social impacts. The socioeconomic sectors have been hardest hit, with significant impact on tourism sectors. Sociopolitical system also plays an important role in governance and decision-making for pandemic responses. The analysis suggests that one opportunity for enhancing resilience in Thailand is to strive for more multilevel governance that engages with various stakeholders and to support grassroots and community-level networks. The COVID-19 pandemic recovery is a chance to recover better while leaving no one behind. An inclusive long-term recovery plan for the various impacted countries needs to take a holistic approach to address existing gaps and work towards a sustainable society. Furthering the Health Emergency Disaster Risk Management (HEDRM) Framework may support a coordinated response across various linked sectors rather than straining one particular sector.


Author(s):  
Bruno Charbonneau

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has failed the COVID-19 test, unable to promote or facilitate multilateral cooperation in dealing with the outbreak. This is worrying given its relevance as a principal organ of the United Nations (UN) that could enable or constrain international cooperation and given the need for such cooperation in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. The failure of the UNSC to respond adequately to the COVID-19 pandemic highlights the historical limits of the UNSC as a forum for international cooperation. It also suggests that highlighting and debating UNSC reforms are not sufficient or even productive ways to move forward, especially in the context of the challenges that pandemics and climate change represent for global cooperation. It is far from clear if the UN system can change the global structures on which it was built. What does seem clear is that the UNSC is not where one will find the seeds of change for reimagining global order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-373
Author(s):  
Sungkyu Lee ◽  
Ik Joong Youn ◽  
Artyom Lukin ◽  
Pavel Cherkashin ◽  
Valentin Voloshak

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-121
Author(s):  
KSENIA G. MURATSHINA ◽  
◽  
EVGENY L. BAKHTIN ◽  

Youth exchanges have become an essential component of people-to-people exchanges in international relations, both in bilateral and multilateral formats. This paper analyses the participation of Russia and its Central Asian partners (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) in youth exchanges in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. The authors consequently discuss the institutional structure and formats of the multilateral cooperation, its development within the last decade, and the representation and role of the member states. The research is based on the study of the SCO multilateral documents, SCO institutions’ documentation, official addresses and interviews of the SCO politicians and NGO leaders, online news archives of NGOs and media. The authors conclude that the SCO has formed a multilateral cooperation mechanism for youth exchanges, in which Russia and Central Asia are fully represented, with minor exclusions. Meanwhile, the cooperation demonstrates the evident rivalry between Russia and China in this cooperation. The Central Asian countries have become subject to this rivalry, however, at the same time they have already started to put forward their own initiatives, too, which can be significant for the development of multilateral dialogue. Finally, the paper discusses the potential benefits of cooperation for its participants.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110567
Author(s):  
Shubhamitra Das

Indo-Pacific has emerged as a region of great movement, conflict and cooperation, contestations and coalition-building. The emergence of minilateral and multilateral cooperation by the middle powers is increasing in the region, with the regional countries enthusiastically mapping the region focussing on their centrality. History proves that the role of middle-power countries became more prominent during the moments of international transition. The two contrasting powers like India and Australia; one with a post-colonial identity in foreign policy-making, subtle emphasis on non-aligned movement (NAM) and emerging as an influential power, and, on the other, a traditional middle power with an alliance structure and regionalism akin to the Western model, have equal stakes in the region and it is inevitable for them to take a leadership position in building what is called a middle power communion in the Indo-Pacific. This article will explore the understanding of middle powers and how India and Australia, as middle powers; are strategically placed and, being great powers within their respective regions; take the responsibility of region-building and maintaining peace with great powers, and how the Indo-Pacific and Quad are emerging as discourses within their foreign policy-making.


2014 ◽  
pp. 267-279
Author(s):  
Milos Petrovic

At ministry assembly in Budapest in March 2011, republics such as Austria, Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia and Serbia, were signatories of common Declaration on the preparation of the establishment of the ?Mura - Drava - Danube Transboundary Biosphere Reserve?(MDD-TBR). Even though this document does not have obligatory character for states that signed it, this declaration represents the obvious course these states will follow in order to improve their cooperation. Beside political, economic, cultural and other well developed forms of cooperation, a multilateral cooperation emerges within the areas of conservation, protection and improvement of flora and fauna of the Danube and rivers Drava and Mura that belong to The Danube River Basin. In this article the author provided a short review of basic international legal documents that refer to Biosphere Reserves regarding specifically the overall Danube Strategy by European Union and belonging Action Plane to Danube Strategy. The author analyzed the paramount clauses of Declaration MDD - TBR, with intention to reveal this little known document to scientific and professional public. In that sense, the principles for selecting the actual biosphere reserve have become a priority as well as the elemental objectives a biosphere reserve should accomplish and its spatial organization.


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