An Early Power-Sharing Regime: The Alternativa System in Spanish Colonial America

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-400
Author(s):  
Daniel Schwartz
Keyword(s):  
Colonial America ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Religious Orders ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
Social Division

Abstract The alternativa system in Spanish American religious orders was an early example of deliberate electoral engineering to address the problem of social division. It was subject to criticism, however, for stealing voters’ freedom, ignoring the rights of candidates, and restricting access to competent officeholders. Moreover, it often gave disproportionate power to a minority faction. Hence, the alternativa remained, at best, an expedient, short-term solution to the problem of factionalism. Examining the canonists’ debate about the alternativa is instructive because it reveals the darker moral side of power-sharing regimes whenever and wherever they occur.

U.S. Security Strategy and Southeast Asia

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marvin C. Ott
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
Manila Bay ◽  
The U.S

With the exception of the Philippines, America’s strategic interest in and engagement with Southeast Asia begins with World War II. Prior to that “Monsoon Asia” was remote and exotic—a place of fabled kingdoms, jungle headhunters, and tropical seas. By the end of the nineteenth century European powers had established colonial rule over the entire region except Thailand. Then, as the twentieth century dawned, the Spanish colonial holdings in the Philippines suddenly and unexpectedly became available to the United States as an outcome of the Spanish-American War and Admiral Dewey’s destruction of the decrepit Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. This chapter examines the strategic pivot in Southeast Asia and the role China plays in affecting the U.S. position in this region.

scholarly journals Víctor Tau Anzoátegui na historiografia jurídica “indiana” (hispano-colonial)

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (34) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ezequiel Abásolo
Keyword(s):  
Legal History ◽  
The Self ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Academic Interest ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
History Of ◽  
Key Aspects

Víctor Tau Anzoátegui in the "Indian” Legal Historiography (Spanish-colonial era)  Ezequiel Abásolo ResumoNesse texto se busca compartilhar um exame panorâmico e crítico a respeito do que as ideias e as contribuições de Víctor Tau Anzoátegui implicam para a historiografia jurídica “indiana” (hispano-colonial), tentando delinear os aspectos centrais de seu pensamento historiográfico, enquanto prestigioso Mestre, cujos estudos suscitaram na América e na Europa, e desde já por décadas, a atenção de seus colegas, junto com muitos outros interessados em recriar o passado hispano-americano. Com isso, busca-se elucidar as linhas de seus critérios histórico-jurídicos ao perseguir um objetivo bem concreto: ajudar a cobrir, ainda que parcialmente, o déficit autorreflexivo que aflige à história jurídica “indiana”, disciplina que, a despeito de sua relativa debilidade teórica, suscita em nossos dias um significativo interesse acadêmico, como que se nutrindo, de forma constante e sustentada, de um formidável e variado contingente de aportes monográficos. Palavras-chave: Víctor Tau Anzoátegui. Historiografia jurídica “indiana”. História hispano-colonial. AbstractThis paper aims to share a panoramic and critical examination about what the ideas and contributions of Víctor Tau Anzoátegui imply to the "Indian" Legal Historiography (Spanish-colonial), trying to outline the key aspects of his historiographical thought, being a prestigious Master whose studies raised in America and Europe, for decades already, the attention of his colleagues, along with many others interested in recreating the Spanish American past. Thus, it seeks to clarify the lines of his historical and legal criteria to pursue a very concrete goal: to help cover, even if partially, the self-reflexive deficit afflicting the "Indian " Legal History, a discipline that, despite its relative theoretical weakness, raises today a significant academic interest, for it is nurturing by, with a constant and sustained manner, a formidable and varied contingent of monographic contributions. Keywords: Víctor Tau Anzoátegui. "Indian" Legal Historiography. History of Spanish-colonial era. 

Nineteenth-Century Cuban Migrants in the Gulf World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jose Marti ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
The Core ◽  
Historical View

This chapter defines and develops the concept of the Gulf World that is at the core of the book, tracing the evolution of the region from the 1600s forward. It then takes a long historical view of Cuban migration in the region from the 1820s through the 1890s focusing on famous figures like José María Heredia and Pedro de Santacilia as well as Antonio Maceo and José Martí and demonstrating that their lives and travels spanned Cuba, Mexico and the United States. The chapter ends with a close look at migration, flight and exile in the context of the War of 1895 waged between Cuban insurgents and Spanish colonial forces, which culminated in the Spanish American war.

Electoral Participation and Republican Moderation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Whiting
Keyword(s):  
Rational Choice ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Critical Juncture ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Outright Rejection ◽  
Democratic Elections

This chapter traces how electoral participation contributed to the moderation of republicanism. It argues that liberal democratic elections simply do not allow for revolution. The decision by Irish republicans to participate in elections in 1981 was a critical juncture. The path it chose pushed the movement in an increasingly moderate direction, moving away from parallel states and outright rejection in favour of ambivalent electoral participation. Once this path was chosen republicans became locked-in, resulting in republicans fractionalising their long-term goal into short-term aims, courting voters beyond their core supporters, increasing engagement with ruling institutions, and using the existing system rather than trying to overthrow it. This electoral direction was later reinforced by the power-sharing arrangements which brought republicans into government. Moderation occurred in spite of republicans rejecting the legitimacy of the electoral institutions in which they were now competing. Electoral participation was a rational choice by republicans to pursue their goals through a new means in the hope of avoiding marginalisation.

The Finances of Mexico City During the War of Independence

1972 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy E. Anna
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
City Governments ◽  
Spanish Colonial ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Equal Interest

During the last fifty years a considerable amount of material relating to the institutional structure of the Spanish colonial city in America has appeared. In most instances, however, this material directed itself to a consideration of colonial city governments shortly after the Conquest or during the zenith of the empire. Of equal interest should be a consideration of these institutions at the moment of their disintegration, that is, during the Spanish American Wars of Independence.

scholarly journals The Perils of Power-Sharing: Africa and Beyond

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 11-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chandra Lekha Sriram ◽  
Marie-Joëlle Zahar
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Short Term ◽  
State Legitimacy ◽  
Peace Agreements

The purpose of international conflict-resolution efforts is, in the short term, to bring an end to violent armed conflict, and, in the medium to longer term, to prevent the revival of conflict. However, at least one of the mechanisms often utilised in conflict resolution and peace agreements, power-sharing, may not only prove problematic in early negotiation and implementation, but may potentially be at odds with the longer-term goal of preventing resurgence of conflict. Why might this be the case? Longer-term peacebuilding seeks to prevent conflict in part by building strong and sustainable states. Such states should be able to avoid reverting to armed conflict because they would be more responsive to grievances and more effective in dealing with violent dissent. However, power-sharing arrangements may undermine such efforts by placing in power individuals and groups not fully committed to, or unable to take part in, governance for the benefit of the entire populace; in part because it necessarily places in power those who have engaged in significant violence to achieve their ends. This is likely to create less democratic states, although we do not insist that democracy is or should be the only goal of peacebuilders. Rather, we suggest that power-sharing arrangements may tend not only towards undemocratic states, but towards states which are not responsive to the needs of the citizenry for security in ways which may undermine human security and state legitimacy.

scholarly journals Power-Sharing, Conflict and Transition in Burundi: Twenty Years of Trial and Error

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stef Vandeginste
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Trial And Error ◽  
Short Term ◽  
War Termination ◽  
Effective Governance ◽  
The Past ◽  
Peace And Reconciliation ◽  
Term Objective

For the past twenty years, Burundi has experimented with power-sharing as an instrument of political liberalisation, democratisation and conflict resolution. This contribution analyses the different meanings the concept of power-sharing has had throughout Burundi's recent and extremely violent political transition, in particular during the lengthy peace process. It shows how national and international actors have found inspiration in the toolbox of consociationalism to negotiate and design the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi signed in August 2000 and its post-transition Constitution. Power-sharing has been instrumental in achieving the – short-term – objective of war termination. It has also de-ethnicised political competition and reduced the (potentially) destabilising effect of elections. Measured against more ambitious state-building objectives (democracy, rule of law, accountable and effective governance), power-sharing has (so far) not been able to make a difference. Several factors and developments threaten the “survival” of the power-sharing model in Burundi.

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