‘Only’ in Nguni: A Phrase-Final Particle Meets Antisymmetry Theory

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicki Carstens ◽  
Jochen Zeller
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Complex Topography ◽  
Focus Particles ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
English Only ◽  
Final Particles

This article investigates the syntax of the phrase-final focus particles kuphela and qha ‘only’ in Zulu and Xhosa (Nguni; Bantu). We show that kuphela’s and qha’s associations with a focused constituent respect the complex topography of information structure in Nguni and, like English only, a surface c-command requirement. However, unlike English only, the Zulu and Xhosa particles typically follow the focus associate they c-command, a fact that poses a serious challenge for Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory. We demonstrate that the Nguni facts are incompatible with recent Linear Correspondence Axiom–inspired approaches to phrase-final particles in other languages and, after weighing the merits of several approaches, we conclude that kuphela is an adjunct and that syntax is only weakly antisymmetric: adjuncts are not subject to the LCA.

scholarly journals Os morfemas finais Ne e Yo da língua japonesa, à luz das funções do Kyüjôhô (informações dadas) e Shinjôhô (informações novas) - um estudo da subjetividade e emoção

1969 ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Yüki Mukai
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Final Particles

Japanese final particles (shüjoshi) are situated at a modus (modality) layer, which expresses the speaker’s subjective attitude regarding the dictum (proposition) such as his judgement, supposition, volition, emotion and order. The speaker uses the final particle yo to express an assertive attitude generally when he introduces new information to which he wants the addressee to pay attention. On the other hand, the speaker uses a final particle ne, expecting the addressee to agree with him or in order to make his utterance roundabout, introducing given/old information. However, the speaker’s choice of yo or ne depends not only on the informational structure of discourse, but also on the human relationship or on the strategy used by that speaker in the moment of his utterance.

Information Structure in First Language Acquisition

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Höhle ◽  
Frauke Berger ◽  
Antje Sauermann
Keyword(s):  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
First Language ◽  
First Language Acquisition ◽  
Focus Particles ◽  
Comprehension Skills ◽  
Early Production ◽  
Linguistic Means

So far, research on the acquisition of information structure (IS) is still relatively sparse compared to other areas of first language acquisition research. A growing interest in this area has emerged with an increasing number of results indicating an asymmetry of an early production but late comprehension of linguistic means related to IS—which contrasts common findings in other areas of acquisition with comprehension skills typically being in advance to production skills and thus provides a challenge for theories of language acquisition. This chapter will give a review on recent findings on the acquisition of linguistic means to mark IS in first language acquisition focusing on studies looking at the production and comprehension of accentuation and word order. A further part will look at children’s production and comprehension of sentences with focus particles.

From connective construction to final particle: The emergence of the Korean disapproval marker hakonun

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 1581-1607
Author(s):  
Minju Kim
Keyword(s):  
Negative Affect ◽  
Temporal Sequence ◽  
Television Drama ◽  
Theoretical Frameworks ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
Data Frequency ◽  
Similar Development ◽  
Frequency Counts ◽  
Final Particles

AbstractUsing conversational data, frequency counts, and prosodic evidence drawn from corpora of 70 television drama series and 142 audio-recorded natural conversations, I demonstrate that the Korean connective construction hakonun ‘after having done,’ which comprises ha ‘do’, ko ‘and’ and the topic marker nun and indicates a temporal sequence, has developed into a final particle that encodes a speaker’s stance of criticism and complaint. I show that the source, hakonun, has routinely been used in expressing concessive relations between two sequential events that go against the speaker’s expectation (‘counter-expectation’), and thus, is frequently used to challenge a hearer (e.g., ‘after having done many evil deeds, how can you ask for my help?’). Through this use, the speaker’s negative affect and stance of disapproval have become semanticized with hakonun. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of (inter)subjectification and insubordination, I propose that hakonun and Japanese shi ‘and’ constitute another case of crosslinguistically similar development of connectives becoming final particles. McGloin and Konishi (2010) argue that through its frequent use in the context of counter-expectation, shi ‘and’ has recently developed into a final particle expressing a speaker’s negative stance such as criticism and complaint.

scholarly journals Please remind me: A history of the Japanese particle of recollection kke

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 421
Author(s):  
John Bundschuh
Keyword(s):  
Epistemic Modality ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Grammatical Development ◽  
History Of ◽  
Modal Sentence ◽  
Common Application ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Final Particles

The Japanese sentence-final particle kke is a marker of epistemic modality with evidential and mirative overtones. Its most common application is indexing the uncertainty of one’s recollection in interrogative sentences, but in declarative sentences it indexes a reaffirmation of the certainty of the utterance. This study traces the grammatical development of kke from the older Japanese perfect auxiliary -kyeri, citing examples from 8th-century Japanese through today. Through examining kke’s diachrony, it provides evidence that modal sentence-final particles can develop from auxiliaries when the contexts in which they are used become restricted over time.

scholarly journals An Analysis of Japanese Sentence-final Particle Yone: Compare Yone and Ne in Response

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-191
Author(s):  
Jun Xu
Keyword(s):  
Final Particle ◽  
Naturally Occurring ◽  
State Of Mind ◽  
Final Particles

Yone, a Japanese sentence-final particle (SFP), is frequently used in conversation, and some functions overlap with ne, another SFP. However, not much discussion has taken place about their differences. This study argues that the two Japanese sentence-final particles, yone and ne, express a distinction about the speaker's state of mind: yone indicates that an idea has been on the speaker's mind, while ne suggests a thought just emerged into the speaker's awareness. Naturally occurring conversation data provides evidence for this claim. The results show that the particles reflect the speaker's choice of presenting his/her state of awareness.

Transcategoriality and right periphery

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-76
Author(s):  
Sylvie Hancil
Keyword(s):  
Characteristic Feature ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Main Function ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Pragmatic Analysis ◽  
Textual Cohesion ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Among the various syntactic functions that transcategorial but can take, it is the final particle that is the focus of our attention. As it is a characteristic feature of Northern English colloquial conversations, the semantic-pragmatic analysis is pursued in the spoken section of the Scottish Corpus of Texts and Speech. Moreover, particular attention is paid to the relationship between final but and information structure in order to account for the strategy of organizing information. In addition, it is shown that its status as a post-rheme element, which takes into account the position of this particle, does not pay tribute to its main function of textual cohesion. Finally, its potential status as an Antitopic is discussed.

Japanese epistemic sentence-final particle kana

Pragmatics ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuka Matsugu
Keyword(s):  
Japanese Language ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Naturally Occurring ◽  
Sentence Level ◽  
Pragmatic Aspects ◽  
Final Particles

The Japanese language is known for its sentence-final particles (SFPs hereafter) that express modality. Although modality would seem to be inseparable from context, only a limited number of studies have explicated the nature of SFPs based on data from conversations. This paper discusses the functions of SFP kana, based on 272 occurrences of the particle from over 7 hours of recorded conversation. I propose that kana, which is commonly defined as a doubt marker, frequently functions as a mitigation marker. My investigation also explores how speakers use this function beyond the sentence level. It suggests that traditional descriptions of the syntactic environments in which SFPs occur are not always substantiated by how kana is actually used. Yet, seemingly unsystematic uses of kana are quite systematic in terms of its semantic and pragmatic aspects. These findings suggest that in studying Japanese sentence-final particles, it’s important to study naturally occurring conversations.

scholarly journals The morphosyntax and prosody of topic and focus in Juba Arabic

2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-351
Author(s):  
Stefano Manfredi ◽  
Mauro Tosco
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Complex Interaction ◽  
Focus Particles ◽  
Contrastive Focus ◽  
Left Dislocation

The article discusses the information structure of Juba Arabic, an Arabic-based pidgincreole of South Sudan, showing how the expression of topic and focus is the result of a complex interaction of morphosyntactic and prosodic means. While the lexical elements used in the expression of topic and focus are Arabic-derived, no such influence can be found in the prosody. Both topic- and focus-marked utterances can be opposed to neutral ones. Topics are marked syntactically through left dislocation as well as prosodically. Morphosyntactic means include the use of the ‘almost-dedicated’ marker zátu for marking contrastive focus and the two dedicated particles yáwu and yawú, both derived from the multifunctional element ya. The articles further explores the grammaticalization path leading to the dedicated focus particles of Juba Arabic.

Variation in the use of sentence final particles in Macau Cantonese

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Botha ◽  
Lawrie A. Barnes
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Network Theory ◽  
Social Information ◽  
Social Network Theory ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Social Meanings ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Affective Relations ◽  
Final Particles

This paper considers how meaningful social information is conveyed with the use of sentence final particles in Macau Cantonese. The purpose in this research is to provide a general sociolinguistic account of sentence final particles in Macau Cantonese, and specifically to illustrate that social meanings of SFPs are variable, and do not constitute rigid or fixed meanings and interpretations. These social meanings, this paper argues, are a potential for indicating speaker identity at the individual level, and constitute a rich resource for communicating speaker identity in Macau Cantonese. This study uses an eclectic sociolinguistic approach, and combines elements of distributionist analyses, social network theory and constructionist approaches with a view to accounting for the dynamics underlying sentence final particle variation. Finally, this research considers constraints such as conversation topic, the affective relations between interlocutors, and gender as impinging on the distribution and use of SFPs in Macau Cantonese.

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