scholarly journals An Analysis of Japanese Sentence-final Particle Yone: Compare Yone and Ne in Response

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-191
Author(s):  
Jun Xu
Keyword(s):  
Final Particle ◽  
Naturally Occurring ◽  
State Of Mind ◽  
Final Particles

Yone, a Japanese sentence-final particle (SFP), is frequently used in conversation, and some functions overlap with ne, another SFP. However, not much discussion has taken place about their differences. This study argues that the two Japanese sentence-final particles, yone and ne, express a distinction about the speaker's state of mind: yone indicates that an idea has been on the speaker's mind, while ne suggests a thought just emerged into the speaker's awareness. Naturally occurring conversation data provides evidence for this claim. The results show that the particles reflect the speaker's choice of presenting his/her state of awareness.

Japanese epistemic sentence-final particle kana

Pragmatics ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuka Matsugu
Keyword(s):  
Japanese Language ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Naturally Occurring ◽  
Sentence Level ◽  
Pragmatic Aspects ◽  
Final Particles

The Japanese language is known for its sentence-final particles (SFPs hereafter) that express modality. Although modality would seem to be inseparable from context, only a limited number of studies have explicated the nature of SFPs based on data from conversations. This paper discusses the functions of SFP kana, based on 272 occurrences of the particle from over 7 hours of recorded conversation. I propose that kana, which is commonly defined as a doubt marker, frequently functions as a mitigation marker. My investigation also explores how speakers use this function beyond the sentence level. It suggests that traditional descriptions of the syntactic environments in which SFPs occur are not always substantiated by how kana is actually used. Yet, seemingly unsystematic uses of kana are quite systematic in terms of its semantic and pragmatic aspects. These findings suggest that in studying Japanese sentence-final particles, it’s important to study naturally occurring conversations.

‘Only’ in Nguni: A Phrase-Final Particle Meets Antisymmetry Theory

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicki Carstens ◽  
Jochen Zeller
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Complex Topography ◽  
Focus Particles ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
English Only ◽  
Final Particles

This article investigates the syntax of the phrase-final focus particles kuphela and qha ‘only’ in Zulu and Xhosa (Nguni; Bantu). We show that kuphela’s and qha’s associations with a focused constituent respect the complex topography of information structure in Nguni and, like English only, a surface c-command requirement. However, unlike English only, the Zulu and Xhosa particles typically follow the focus associate they c-command, a fact that poses a serious challenge for Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory. We demonstrate that the Nguni facts are incompatible with recent Linear Correspondence Axiom–inspired approaches to phrase-final particles in other languages and, after weighing the merits of several approaches, we conclude that kuphela is an adjunct and that syntax is only weakly antisymmetric: adjuncts are not subject to the LCA.

scholarly journals Os morfemas finais Ne e Yo da língua japonesa, à luz das funções do Kyüjôhô (informações dadas) e Shinjôhô (informações novas) - um estudo da subjetividade e emoção

1969 ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Yüki Mukai
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Final Particles

Japanese final particles (shüjoshi) are situated at a modus (modality) layer, which expresses the speaker’s subjective attitude regarding the dictum (proposition) such as his judgement, supposition, volition, emotion and order. The speaker uses the final particle yo to express an assertive attitude generally when he introduces new information to which he wants the addressee to pay attention. On the other hand, the speaker uses a final particle ne, expecting the addressee to agree with him or in order to make his utterance roundabout, introducing given/old information. However, the speaker’s choice of yo or ne depends not only on the informational structure of discourse, but also on the human relationship or on the strategy used by that speaker in the moment of his utterance.

From connective construction to final particle: The emergence of the Korean disapproval marker hakonun

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 1581-1607
Author(s):  
Minju Kim
Keyword(s):  
Negative Affect ◽  
Temporal Sequence ◽  
Television Drama ◽  
Theoretical Frameworks ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
Data Frequency ◽  
Similar Development ◽  
Frequency Counts ◽  
Final Particles

AbstractUsing conversational data, frequency counts, and prosodic evidence drawn from corpora of 70 television drama series and 142 audio-recorded natural conversations, I demonstrate that the Korean connective construction hakonun ‘after having done,’ which comprises ha ‘do’, ko ‘and’ and the topic marker nun and indicates a temporal sequence, has developed into a final particle that encodes a speaker’s stance of criticism and complaint. I show that the source, hakonun, has routinely been used in expressing concessive relations between two sequential events that go against the speaker’s expectation (‘counter-expectation’), and thus, is frequently used to challenge a hearer (e.g., ‘after having done many evil deeds, how can you ask for my help?’). Through this use, the speaker’s negative affect and stance of disapproval have become semanticized with hakonun. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of (inter)subjectification and insubordination, I propose that hakonun and Japanese shi ‘and’ constitute another case of crosslinguistically similar development of connectives becoming final particles. McGloin and Konishi (2010) argue that through its frequent use in the context of counter-expectation, shi ‘and’ has recently developed into a final particle expressing a speaker’s negative stance such as criticism and complaint.

scholarly journals Please remind me: A history of the Japanese particle of recollection kke

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 421
Author(s):  
John Bundschuh
Keyword(s):  
Epistemic Modality ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Grammatical Development ◽  
History Of ◽  
Modal Sentence ◽  
Common Application ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Final Particles

The Japanese sentence-final particle kke is a marker of epistemic modality with evidential and mirative overtones. Its most common application is indexing the uncertainty of one’s recollection in interrogative sentences, but in declarative sentences it indexes a reaffirmation of the certainty of the utterance. This study traces the grammatical development of kke from the older Japanese perfect auxiliary -kyeri, citing examples from 8th-century Japanese through today. Through examining kke’s diachrony, it provides evidence that modal sentence-final particles can develop from auxiliaries when the contexts in which they are used become restricted over time.

Variation in the use of sentence final particles in Macau Cantonese

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Botha ◽  
Lawrie A. Barnes
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Network Theory ◽  
Social Information ◽  
Social Network Theory ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Social Meanings ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Affective Relations ◽  
Final Particles

This paper considers how meaningful social information is conveyed with the use of sentence final particles in Macau Cantonese. The purpose in this research is to provide a general sociolinguistic account of sentence final particles in Macau Cantonese, and specifically to illustrate that social meanings of SFPs are variable, and do not constitute rigid or fixed meanings and interpretations. These social meanings, this paper argues, are a potential for indicating speaker identity at the individual level, and constitute a rich resource for communicating speaker identity in Macau Cantonese. This study uses an eclectic sociolinguistic approach, and combines elements of distributionist analyses, social network theory and constructionist approaches with a view to accounting for the dynamics underlying sentence final particle variation. Finally, this research considers constraints such as conversation topic, the affective relations between interlocutors, and gender as impinging on the distribution and use of SFPs in Macau Cantonese.

scholarly journals Questioning speech acts

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 53-70
Author(s):  
Jess H.-K. Law ◽  
Haoze Li ◽  
Diti Bhadra
Keyword(s):  
Natural Language ◽  
Speech Acts ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Update Semantics ◽  
Final Particles

We investigate the sentence-final particle ho from Cantonese, which can stack on topof other sentence-final particles indicating various types of speech acts. We argue that ho is ahigher level question operator that operates at the level of speech acts. More concretely, it takesa speech act (assertion or question) and returns a new interrogative speech act asking whether theinput speech act can be felicitously performed by the addressee. We take the presence of thiskind of higher level question operator in natural language as novel evidence that a mechanism foroperating on speech acts is needed. Building on Farkas and Bruce (2009), Rawlins (2010), Bledinand Rawlins (2017), we develop a mechanism in the style of Update Semantics for operating onspeech acts.Keywords: speech acts, sentence-final particles, Cantonese, update semantics.

scholarly journals The Structure of Split Questions in Mandarin Chinese

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Ting-Chi Wei
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Shell Structure ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
The Other ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
Split Questions ◽  
Empty Subject ◽  
Final Particles

AbstractThis article proposes a pro analysis for split questions (SQs) in Chinese, dissimilar to the biclausal account employing focus movement and deletion in Arregi 2010 and the one employing the silent head in Kayne 2015 and Tang 2015. SQ consists of a wh-clause and a tag clause. We argue that the entire SQ is an information/confirmation-seeking question, represented by a Speech Act Phrase (SAP)-shell structure (Speas and Tenny 2003; Oguro 2017, etc.) with wh-clause in its specifier and the tag in its complement. The tag of Chinese SQ is a base-generated clause, [pro (copula) tag ma/ne], composed of an empty subject pro, an optional copula, a tag, and a final particle, instead of being derived from a fully-fledged structure parallel to the wh-part akin to those of English and Spanish SQs. Such a pro analysis overcomes difficulties encountered in the other accounts regarding the distribution of the final particles and their clause-typing, the optionality of the copula, the ubiquitous uses of tag, the connectivity effects, and the island-insensitivity. Analytically, two seeming variants of SQ imply that the derivation of an SQ depends on whether its tag moves and whether a copula exists.

Agreement in Promissive, Imperative, and Exhortative Clauses

2008 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 157-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miok D. Pak ◽  
Paul Portner ◽  
Raffaella Zanuttini
Keyword(s):  
Rare Type ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Null Pronouns ◽  
Overt Pronouns ◽  
Person Features ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Final Particles

Abstract. One of the unique features of Korean is that it marks sentences used to promise with the same grammatical mechanism - a paradigm of sentence final particles - with which it marks other clause types, like declaratives, interrogatives, and imperatives. In this paper we investigate this cross-linguistically rare type of PROMISSIVES and argue that they are members of the broader clause type of JUSSIVES, along with imperatives and exhortatives. However, within the jussive clause type, promissives, imperatives, and exhortatives differ from each other in having not only different sen-tence final particles but also different subjects. We argue that these two differences are correlated in such a way as to distinguish the three distinct clause types, promissives, imperatives, and exhorta-tives. We specifically argue that the jussive particle (sentence final particle in jussive clauses) is the head of a Jussive Phrase which carries person features and that the jussive particle enters an agree-ment relation with the subject. In studying various types of subjects allowed in both root and embed-ded jussive clauses we further argue that the Jussive head, as well as null pronouns in Korean has a shiftable person features while overt pronouns have unshiftable person features.

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