A Forgotten Mobilization: The Tunisian Volunteer Movement for Palestine in 1948

2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 488-523
Author(s):  
Shoko Watanabe

This paper goes beyond the ideological views of nationalist leaders who positioned the departure of Tunisian volunteer soldiers for Palestine in 1948 in the framework of national-liberation history, and it analyzes the volunteer movement to provide a picture of the internal mechanisms of popular mobilization. This was a dual movement, of spontaneous participation and organized recruitment by local committees. The volunteers were ideologically heterogeneous, some having had no previous political career. The decentralized nature of the mobilization and the regionally differing socioeconomic compositions of the volunteers suggest that regionally diverse trajectories of nationalism movements coexisted in Tunisia. Understanding this volunteer movement from the bottom up, focusing particularly on the socioeconomic conditions that made the mobilization possible, can help us understand the dynamism of nationalism as a social movement.

2021 ◽  
pp. 211-234
Author(s):  
Bilge Yabancı

AbstractThis chapter reflects on the impact of Turkey’s authoritarian neoliberal governance on the transformation of civil society with a particular focus on latent counter-mobilisation. The first section focuses on how Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) has transformed civic space through a selective approach that switches between repression and facilitation. The AKP represses autonomous and dissident organisations and activists through judicial harassment and new regulations while facilitating the growth of a government-oriented civil society sector (GONGOs). The GONGOs fulfil two aims: softening the immediate effects of the state’s withdrawal from social provision and generating bottom-up consent for authoritarian neoliberal governance. The second section analyses resistance against the AKP’s authoritarian neoliberalism by focusing on the case of a unique social movement, Müslüman Sol hareket (Muslim Left movement), which fuses class politics with Islamic social justice. Based on insights from original fieldwork and interviews with activists conducted in 2018–2019 in Turkey, the discussion demonstrates that the syncretic amalgamation of socialism with Islamic justice has emerged at the unexpected intersections of ideologies and everyday experiences and challenges simultaneously the AKP’s neoliberal exploitation, instrumentalisation and politicisation of religion, and authoritarian governance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-379
Author(s):  
Konstantinos Roussos ◽  
Haris Malamidis

Both social movement research and the literature on the commons provide rich accounts of the anti-austerity mobilizations and uprisings in southern Europe. Movement studies offer important insights regarding the context of mobilization and collective claim making. The commons literature emphasizes bottom-up practices of shared ownership, self-management, and social co-production that move beyond institutional solutions. Although both literatures highlight similar phenomena, they remain relatively unconnected. Their distance precludes a full grasp of the implications regarding the dynamic and abundant to-and-fro movement between protest-based politics and everyday forms of collective action in this region, which is heavily affected by the crisis’ austerity management. Drawing on the South European context, this article rethinks key concepts addressed in both literatures (social movements-commons, activists-commoners, mobilization-commoning) and highlights how a conceptual synthesis can sharpen and (re)politicize the theorization of contemporary collective action in the everyday.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saliba Sarsar

Palestinian Christian religious and lay leaders are caught between their visions of peace and the reality imposed on them by tough military, political, and socioeconomic conditions. Historically, they have carried the heaviest burden of their individual communities by maintaining active life and care through established church structures, educational institutions, health clinics, philanthropic associations, and welfare agencies. Palestinian Christians must move from anguish and despair towards empowerment and hope. A Palestinian Christian Social Movement – nonviolent, practical, proactive, inclusive, and future-oriented – will guide them on their sojourn. It will bring them closer together and will advance their best aspirations: peace with justice and a better life.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Olha ZUBKO

The article provides analytical information on the specifics of the revolutionary events that led to the emergence and establishment of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. For example, with the ZUNR and with the help of the Podillian newspapers of 1918–1919, we determine the understanding of the political revolution as national-liberation aspirations in the national discourse. As the political revolution has several important features: firstly, as a rule, it takes place illegitimate; secondly, it provides the change of the elite; thirdly, the arrival of new elites in power leads to the redistribution of property and, fourthly, the revolution is carried out through a broad popular mobilization. The whole political revolution can be "complete" and "partial". The level of its completeness depends on the political culture that is available in the society, the quality of the elite, the ability of the latter to carry out massive popular mobilization. In addition, the political revolution is necessarily accompanied by the so-called counterrevolution and is far from a peaceful way. The political revolution is neither a necessity nor a regularity that would lead to socio-economic changes. These phenomena, unfortunately, indicate the defects of the functioning of state organisms. In particular, indicate the lack of proper social mobility. Keywords West Ukrainian People's Republic, political revolution, Podillian newspapers


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 266-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlie D. Trott

Psychological contributions to social movement scholarship have disproportionately concentrated on a "politics of demand", rather than on a "politics of the act", or prefigurative politics. Prefigurative actors, rather than making demands of power-holders, take direct action aimed at creating change in the ‘here and now’ by constructing alternative modes of being and interacting that reflect a given movement’s desired social transformations. Given that the prefigurative process takes place within and between individuals—with aims of changing the macrostructure by altering micro-relations—psychological perspectives are imperative to their understanding. Despite relevant theories and concepts, a psychology of prefiguration has yet to emerge. This theoretical discussion explores several reasons why prefigurative practices have been largely overlooked and at times misunderstood within mainstream social movement scholarship, traces the distinctive dimensions of prefiguration deserving of further (especially psychological) inquiry, and calls for methodological techniques both responsive to the context-driven nature of prefigurative praxis and consistent with the ‘bottom-up’ approach embodied within these unique spaces of resistance. After highlighting important points of disjuncture and possibility within the study of prefiguration, this discussion offers critical questions and methods aimed to envision and invigorate a critical psychology of prefigurative politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 159
Author(s):  
Muhammad Muhammad ◽  
Nurlaila Nurlaila

The interfaith dialogue movement in the top-down current as described above, namely the movement originating from the state, was welcomed by various communities in Indonesia as a bottom-up current, namely the interfaith dialogue movement originating from the people. At least in this bottom-up flow, there are two communities, namely dialogue developed in academic institutions, and dialogue conducted or facilitated by civil society institutions, such as NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), both focusing on dialogue and raising issues. -Other issues related to dialogue. In this research, the researcher focuses only on two groups, namely the state (top-down current) and academic institutions (bottom-up current) trying to examine religious movements in the realm of inter-religious dialogue using social movement theory. There are three key concepts in social movement theory which usually play a very important role in determining the success of collective action. The three concepts include (1) political opportunity structure, (2) mobilizing structures, and (3) framing of action.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 69-87
Author(s):  
Nurul Azreen Azlan

Abstract This paper demonstrates how protest tactics, such as the use of hashtags, can be co-opted by counter-protesters, as evidenced by how the cybertroopers operated against the Bersih 4 protest in 2015. This is achieved via focusing the analysis on how geographic places were communicated on Twitter around the time of the protest. The Bersih movement in Malaysia is an example of how a digital-savvy social movement organisation (SMO) operates in a hybrid regime. In this paper, I explore a form of reaction that, on the surface, appeared to be a bottom-up initiative against the Bersih movement. Based on the fieldwork conducted around the Bersih 4 protest in 2015, I focus on place mentions on Twitter to detect the cybertroopers who attempted to disrupt the discussion and narrative through the use of hashtags.


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