Peace Talks and Valid Spokespersons: Explaining the Onset of Negotiations in Southern Thailand

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-518
Author(s):  
Anders Engvall ◽  
Isak Svensson
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Southern Thailand ◽  
Two Sides

Abstract There have been several attempts to find negotiated solutions to the armed conflicts in Southern Thailand. Yet, these attempts of accommodation and mediated peace negotiations were aborted without any concrete results, with the exception of a formal peace process being officially launched in 2013. What explains the readiness of the parties to the conflict to enter negotiations at this stage, but not at earlier attempts? We argue that the political context can help to explain why some negotiation attempts result in negotiations, whereas others do not. We analyze the factors behind the readiness of the two sides – the Thai state and the Patani separatist insurgency – to sit down for official peace negotiations, focusing on the presence of valid spokespersons, which is an understudied element of ‘ripeness’. This case demonstrates that the problem of finding valid spokespersons may be an obstacle for peace processes especially in religiously defined conflicts.

scholarly journals Curricular Experiments for Peace in Colombia: Re-imagining Science Education in Post-conflict Societies

2021 ◽  
pp. 293-306
Author(s):  
Carolina Castano Rodriguez ◽  
Molly Quinn ◽  
Steve Alsop
Keyword(s):  
Science Education ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Truth And Reconciliation ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Near Future

AbstractThis chapter outlines a curriculum experiment in science education set within the political context of the peace negotiations in Colombia which took place in 2016. Our collaborative narrative draws from data and experiences gathered over a 10-day summer course that we co-constructed, during and in response to this peace process, seeking to re-imagine science education’s capacities to reformulate, share and experience loss, truth and reconciliation. We engage ( Escher in Relativity, 1953) multidimensional work Relativity and set our discussions in the near future, by entering the hearts and souls of those who have lived in fear and also hope for so many years.

scholarly journals Complexities and Context: Women's Peace-Building in Conflict and Post-Conflict Bougainville

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dylan Page
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Conflict Studies ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Context Specific

<p>The potential role of women in conflict and post-conflict environments has been the subject of much debate in the field of peace and conflict studies. In 2000 the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325, which called for a greater involvement of women and acknowledgement of gender issues in conflict and post-conflict environments, and this has led to further discussion about what this might mean and how it might be implemented. Despite this women are continually under-represented in nearly all peace processes and there is no universally agreed upon way to ensure this situation does not come about. The barriers women face range from cultural to logistical and economic, and surmounting them can be hard to achieve.  One case where women have been involved at all levels in the peace process with substantial success is the Pacific island of Bougainville, where a conflict over mining issues and secession from Papua New Guinea was waged from 1988-1997. Women were active in attempts to bring all parties to negotiations during the conflict and have also been heavily involved in the continuing reconciliation and healing processes. For cultural reasons Bougainvillean women were well placed to perform the role of peace-builders but that is not to say that they did not face challenges and barriers to their involvement. This thesis examines the involvement of women in both the immediate peace negotiations and the longer-term aspects of the peace process in Bougainville in order explain how and why they enjoyed these successes and what lessons can be learnt from this case in regards to the potential roles of women in other post-conflict environments. Four factors will be identified as key to women's involvement in the peace process: the history of Bougainville up to and including the conflict; the grassroots mobilisation and organisation of women; the traditional cultural roles of women in Bougainville; and the identification of women with motherhood and its associated traits.  These factors indicate that the involvement of women in peace processes is highly context-specific and although there are policies which can be pursued to encourage their participation the potential barriers to this are imposing.</p>

scholarly journals Political Representation of Minorities as Collateral Damage or Gain: The Batwa in Burundi and Rwanda

2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stef Vandeginste
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Governance Model ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Military Victory

There is a remarkable discrepancy between the political representation of the Batwa ethnic minority group in Burundi compared to in Rwanda. Whereas Rwanda's focus on citizenship prevents the Batwa from claiming recognition as a politically salient societal segment, Burundi's governance model, characterized by ethnic, consociational power-sharing, guarantees the political representation of the Batwa in the legislative assemblies. The difference is mainly due to the various modalities of political transition that both countries have experienced. While in Rwanda, regime change came about through a military victory, Burundi's transition from conflict to peace involved a long and complex peace-negotiations process, with international mediators viewing the armed conflict and its resolution in explicitly ethnic terms. The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was a foundational moment for the recognition of the political participation rights of the Batwa in Burundi, despite the fact that they were not actively involved in Burundi's armed conflict, or in the peace negotiations. The comparative analysis in this paper offers insights into the potential of peace processes with respect to improved minority-rights protection following violent conflict.

scholarly journals Peacebuilding Model of Third-Party Mediation in the Philippines: Comparing Malaysia and the OIC

2018 ◽  
pp. 1151-1157
Author(s):  
Shamsuddin Taya ◽  
Rusdi Omar ◽  
Che Mohd Aziz Yaacob ◽  
Abdul Lantong
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Nation States ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.

scholarly journals Complexities and Context: Women's Peace-Building in Conflict and Post-Conflict Bougainville

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dylan Page
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Conflict Studies ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Context Specific

<p>The potential role of women in conflict and post-conflict environments has been the subject of much debate in the field of peace and conflict studies. In 2000 the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325, which called for a greater involvement of women and acknowledgement of gender issues in conflict and post-conflict environments, and this has led to further discussion about what this might mean and how it might be implemented. Despite this women are continually under-represented in nearly all peace processes and there is no universally agreed upon way to ensure this situation does not come about. The barriers women face range from cultural to logistical and economic, and surmounting them can be hard to achieve.  One case where women have been involved at all levels in the peace process with substantial success is the Pacific island of Bougainville, where a conflict over mining issues and secession from Papua New Guinea was waged from 1988-1997. Women were active in attempts to bring all parties to negotiations during the conflict and have also been heavily involved in the continuing reconciliation and healing processes. For cultural reasons Bougainvillean women were well placed to perform the role of peace-builders but that is not to say that they did not face challenges and barriers to their involvement. This thesis examines the involvement of women in both the immediate peace negotiations and the longer-term aspects of the peace process in Bougainville in order explain how and why they enjoyed these successes and what lessons can be learnt from this case in regards to the potential roles of women in other post-conflict environments. Four factors will be identified as key to women's involvement in the peace process: the history of Bougainville up to and including the conflict; the grassroots mobilisation and organisation of women; the traditional cultural roles of women in Bougainville; and the identification of women with motherhood and its associated traits.  These factors indicate that the involvement of women in peace processes is highly context-specific and although there are policies which can be pursued to encourage their participation the potential barriers to this are imposing.</p>

scholarly journals E as mulheres? Uma Perspectiva Feminista Sobre a Resolução de Conflitos Armados l What About Women? A Feminist Perspective on Armed Conflict Resolution

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e59057
Author(s):  
Mariana Germana Miquelino Alves de Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Gender Relations ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Feminist Perspective ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Feminist Theories

Neste artigo, buscamos entender as implicações das relações de gênero para a resolução de conflitos armados e as possíveis contribuições resultantes da inclusão de mulheres nos processos de paz. À luz das teorias feministas das Relações Internacionais, propomos a hipótese de que não se pode compreender amplamente as dinâmicas de um conflito armado sem considerar a influência das relações de gênero para a sua eclosão e continuidade e, por conseguinte, não se pode implementar medidas de resolução que sejam plenamente eficientes. Mais do que isso, sugerimos que as mulheres sejam parte ativa dos esforços de construção da paz  para que esse processo  se torne mais representativo e possa responder também às fontes de insegurança feminina.Palavras-chave: Resolução de conflitos; Construção da paz; Mulheres.ABSTRACTIn this article, we seek to understand the implications of gender relations for the resolution of armed conflicts and the possible contributions resulting from the inclusion of women in peace processes. In the light of feminist theories of International Relations, we propose the hypothesis that one cannot fully understand the dynamics of armed conflict without considering the influence of gender relations for its outbreak and continuity and, therefore, resolution measures that are fully efficient cannot be implemented. Furthermore, we suggest that for the peace process to become more representative and to respond to sources of female insecurity as well.Keywords: Conflict resolution; Peace building; Women. Recebido em: 10/04/2021 | Aceito em: 27/07/2021. 

scholarly journals In the Streets and at the Table: Civil Society Coordination during Peace Negotiations

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desirée Nilsson ◽  
Isak Svensson ◽  
Barbara Magalhães Teixeira ◽  
Luís Martínez Lorenzo ◽  
Anton Ruus
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Mass Action ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Civil Resistance ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Research Gap

Abstract When bringing armed conflicts to a peaceful end, the inclusion of civil society in peacemaking is a vital task. However, whereas previous research on civil society inclusion has made significant advancements, surprisingly little attention has been paid to analyzing how civil resistance and mass action may interact with more elite-driven approaches during peace processes. This study addresses this research gap by examining the interplay between elite and mass-based civil society approaches in three different peace processes in civil wars in Africa in the post-Cold War period: Liberia, the Central African Republic (CAR), and Burundi. We advance the literature by developing a framework that focuses on coordination of these different efforts and we explore this interplay empirically. With this study, we aim to broaden the research agenda, allowing for future synergies at the research frontier of mass action and the inclusion of civil society in peace processes.

scholarly journals Inclusion and Political Representation in Peace Negotiations: The Case of the Colombian Victims’ Delegations

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isa Mendes
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace And Conflict ◽  
Political Contention

This article discusses the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations, in particular the Colombian peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionárias de Colombia, with special emphasis to a perceived tension between “direct” and “indirect” inclusive initiatives. It argues that, as currently discussed by the Peace and Conflict literature, inclusion tends to be seen as neutral and benign, which leaves little room for critical discussions about the political contention behind peace negotiations deemed “inclusive.” It thus proposes to discuss inclusion through the theoretical lens of political representation and apply such reflections to the specific case of the Colombian victims’ delegations that travelled to Havana in 2014 in order to take part in the table’s discussions on the victims and transitional justice topic. Ultimately, I will argue there was simultaneous utilisation and rejection of the language of representation.

scholarly journals The reconstruction of symbolic space at Colombian-FARC peace process

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Safiye Ateş Burç
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Important Place ◽  
The Public ◽  
Symbolic Space ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Lasting Peace ◽  
Colombian Government

Although long-armed conflicts between the Colombian government and the FARC        organization have witnessed the occasional peace talks, it could evolve in peace after 2012. The peace process, which was announced to the public in 2016 with an official agreement, was a process consisting of many strategic steps, thus making it mandatory to regulate many areas. One of these areas is the symbolic area. In this study, which discusses the argument that the symbolic space must be regulated and renewed in peace processes, it is discussed how the peace of Colombia is read through symbolism and how the conflictual sides transform and reframe the symbolic space. As a result, it has been observed that the efforts of the parties (in this peace process) in transforming the symbolic area have a very important place for the lasting peace, so the symbols are not only superficial units put into the secondary plan, but on the contrary, they have been used actively and effectively from the beginning of the process.

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