scholarly journals The reconstruction of symbolic space at Colombian-FARC peace process

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Safiye Ateş Burç

Although long-armed conflicts between the Colombian government and the FARC        organization have witnessed the occasional peace talks, it could evolve in peace after 2012. The peace process, which was announced to the public in 2016 with an official agreement, was a process consisting of many strategic steps, thus making it mandatory to regulate many areas. One of these areas is the symbolic area. In this study, which discusses the argument that the symbolic space must be regulated and renewed in peace processes, it is discussed how the peace of Colombia is read through symbolism and how the conflictual sides transform and reframe the symbolic space. As a result, it has been observed that the efforts of the parties (in this peace process) in transforming the symbolic area have a very important place for the lasting peace, so the symbols are not only superficial units put into the secondary plan, but on the contrary, they have been used actively and effectively from the beginning of the process.

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 206-214
Author(s):  
Hans-Joachim Giessmann

Armed conflicts resulting from a broken social contract are protracted, intricate, and often systemic. When they finally end, negotiations alone do not eliminate the underlying causes of violence. In the past, many negotiated solutions failed because the driving forces of political and social violence persisted, and negotiations did not result in a genuine peace process. Against this background, dialogue and mediation approaches are gaining support for the goal of bringing lasting peace to intra-state conflicts. They too have their pitfalls, if considered the better alternative without reflection. For the peace process in Afghanistan, the comparative analysis of the three approaches of negotiation, dialogue and mediation is above all a case for wise linkage.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Urueña

In August 2016, in Havana, Cuba, the Colombian Government signed a peace agreement with theFuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo, FARC-EP, after four years of negotiations. The agreement provided a window of hope that Colombia's fifty-year armed struggle, the longest-running conflict in Latin America, would finally come to a close. One actor in these negotiations, whose considerable influence has been underappreciated, is the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Colombia has been under preliminary examination by the OTP since 2004. In addition to discharging its investigatory function, the ICC prosecutor has actively influenced the negotiation of two peace processes: first, the 2005 peace process with the paramilitaries; and more recently, the tumultuous negotiations with the FARC. This Comment explores the specific pathways of the OTP's influence in the Colombian peace process, and the broader lessons this episode holds for the ICC's work and for the continuing negotiations in Colombia.


Author(s):  
Claudia Marcela Hernández Guzmán

Throughout the recent peace process between the Colombian Government and farc-ep, various discursive situations acquired a controversial or polemical character. These situations, in light of the plebiscite held in 2016 to endorse the Final Agreement, seemed counterproductive to the positive outcome of the process. The purpose of this article is to analyze the pedagogical use that the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace gave to certain scenarios of public polemics, which took on a significant media force within the framework of Peace Pedagogy. Based on the selection of audiovisual and written material, we propose a reconstruction of certain discourses that were opposed to the peace process and of the counterarguments developed by the Colombian government, in order to highlight possible relations between the “pedagogic dispositive” and the public polemics. Finally, we point out that public polemics can be understood in terms of their pedagogical potential, which allow the opening of argumentation scenarios and a consequent resignification of knowledge and (re)configuration of identities.


Author(s):  
Amit Ron

The recent attention of peace studies scholars to the role of the "public" parallels an increased interest of democratic theorists in the legitimacy of "mini-publics:" initiatives that bring small groups of citizens together to discuss policy issues. In fact, democratic activists and peace activists who seek to engage the public face similar theoretical and practical challenges. The purpose of this article is to contribute to an emerging dialogue between the disciplines of democratic theory and peace studies. Such a dialogue can be beneficial in at least two ways: it allows an exploration of the role of legitimacy in public peace processes and the burdens that legitimacy put on the institutional design of such processes, and it allows an exploration of more ambitious models of public participation in the peace process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e59057
Author(s):  
Mariana Germana Miquelino Alves de Oliveira

Neste artigo, buscamos entender as implicações das relações de gênero para a resolução de conflitos armados e as possíveis contribuições resultantes da inclusão de mulheres nos processos de paz. À luz das teorias feministas das Relações Internacionais, propomos a hipótese de que não se pode compreender amplamente as dinâmicas de um conflito armado sem considerar a influência das relações de gênero para a sua eclosão e continuidade e, por conseguinte, não se pode implementar medidas de resolução que sejam plenamente eficientes. Mais do que isso, sugerimos que as mulheres sejam parte ativa dos esforços de construção da paz  para que esse processo  se torne mais representativo e possa responder também às fontes de insegurança feminina.Palavras-chave: Resolução de conflitos; Construção da paz; Mulheres.ABSTRACTIn this article, we seek to understand the implications of gender relations for the resolution of armed conflicts and the possible contributions resulting from the inclusion of women in peace processes. In the light of feminist theories of International Relations, we propose the hypothesis that one cannot fully understand the dynamics of armed conflict without considering the influence of gender relations for its outbreak and continuity and, therefore, resolution measures that are fully efficient cannot be implemented. Furthermore, we suggest that for the peace process to become more representative and to respond to sources of female insecurity as well.Keywords: Conflict resolution; Peace building; Women. Recebido em: 10/04/2021 | Aceito em: 27/07/2021. 


2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Kydd ◽  
Barbara F. Walter

Why are extremists able to sabotage peace processes in some cases but not others? And under what conditions will the public respond to such provocation and return to unpopular wars? We seek to show that extremist violence is not indiscriminate or irrational as many people have assumed but quite strategic. We argue that extremist violence intentionally plays on the uncertainty that exists between the more moderate groups who are attempting to negotiate a peace agreement. Using a game-theoretic model of the interaction of extremist violence and mistrust, we identify the conditions under which extremists will succeed and fail. We find that extremists are most likely to succeed in derailing a peace process when the targeted side believes that opposition moderates are strong. At these times, the public perceives moderates as best able to control and suppress extremists within their own ranks. When moderates are viewed as weak and unable to crack down on extremists, terrorism is more likely to fail. We discuss this finding, as well as a number of additional implications of the model, in connection with the Israeli–Palestinian case.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-518
Author(s):  
Anders Engvall ◽  
Isak Svensson

Abstract There have been several attempts to find negotiated solutions to the armed conflicts in Southern Thailand. Yet, these attempts of accommodation and mediated peace negotiations were aborted without any concrete results, with the exception of a formal peace process being officially launched in 2013. What explains the readiness of the parties to the conflict to enter negotiations at this stage, but not at earlier attempts? We argue that the political context can help to explain why some negotiation attempts result in negotiations, whereas others do not. We analyze the factors behind the readiness of the two sides – the Thai state and the Patani separatist insurgency – to sit down for official peace negotiations, focusing on the presence of valid spokespersons, which is an understudied element of ‘ripeness’. This case demonstrates that the problem of finding valid spokespersons may be an obstacle for peace processes especially in religiously defined conflicts.


Author(s):  
Mark Kersten

Abstract Does the potential investigation into Palestine by the International Criminal Court (ICC) threaten the chances of a lasting ‘peace’ between Israel and Palestine? This article endeavours to answer that question and critically assesses claims that the Court could undermine peace in the Middle East. I first examine the key claims made in the so-called ‘peace versus justice’ debate. I then outline some of the specific arguments made in the context of a possible ICC investigation in Palestine that touch upon concerns over the Court’s impacts on peace processes and negotiations. Following this, I try to assess critically the validity of these claims, arguing that while it would be wrong to conclude that the ICC will invariably have positive impacts on efforts to establish peace, there is no evidence that the Court will undermine whatever ‘peace’ is currently on offer for Palestinians and Israelis. On the contrary, this ‘peace’ may itself be a threat to resolving the conflict peaceably and to long-term stability in the region. Finally, I conclude the article with some reflections on the peace-justice debate and its applicability to the Israel–Palestine situation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sílvia Roque

Abstract This article intends to challenge the dominant assumptions that undermine the potential application of peacebuilding frameworks beyond formal post-war contexts. It analyses the gangs’ truce that recently took place in El Salvador as a privileged laboratory to rethink hegemonic understandings and practices of peacebuilding by specifically addressing the importance of overcoming dichotomised categories such ‘war and peace’, ‘criminal and political’, and ‘success and failure’. It is claimed that while the truce fostered a discourse pointing towards an ongoing peace process and enlarged the public debate on the failings of post-war policies and on the structural roots of violence, it was also decisively undermined by the inability to surmount the dichotomy that juxtaposes the criminal and the political domains. It is argued that a peacebuilding framework, inspired by a set of critical perspectives on war and peace and on the nature of ‘the political’, may thus be of crucial importance for the future of policies aimed at curbing violence in El Salvador and elsewhere.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (61) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriana María Arroyave Puerta ◽  
Flor Ángela Marulanda Valencia

Nowadays, several mega-trends capture the attention of governments, academia and the public in general given their implications for the quality of life and the development of nations. This work deals with two of them: entrepreneurship and environmental protection, as a result of research aimed at analyzing the processes, actors and results of the “Entrepreneurship for Life” Program led by the Valle de Aburrá Metropolitan Area, executed during the period from 2012 to 2015, in order to contribute to the improvement of public policies on eco-entrepreneurship. The methodology of the Synergy System1, applied by the Colombian Government, was used to appraise public policies. The required information was collected through in-depth interviews with the creator of the program, the entrepreneurs who benefited from it, officials of the entities involved and experts. Then, it was complemented by the analysis of documents such as minutes, reports and other sources. Among other results, it was evident that, although the public policy on environmental entrepreneurship is still incipient, the evaluated Program met the objectives for which it was created.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document