The benefit to Romanists of using the Basilica

Author(s):  
Hylkje de Jong

In Roman and Byzantine legal literature there has been much debate about the payment (merces/μισθός) claimed by the mandatory in D. 17,1,26,8 (B. 14,1,26,8). The reason was the requirement of gratuitousness of mandatum, which made that this case should in principle be classified as a locatio conductio/μίσθωσις. To explain the presence of merces in Roman law literature several suggestions were made: interpolation, remuneration, the existence of two contracts or a pactum adiectum. In Byzantine law literature μισθός was interpreted as the payment for the slave. These interpretations are one way or another unsatisfactory. In (early) Byzantine law a plausible new interpretation can be found. Here the payment is interpreted as expenses incurred to make the property, i.e. slave, worth more, and such expenses (for training slaves) are ‘useful’ expenses. This interpretation is plausible and applies also for classical Roman law. It shows that the use of the Basilica is of indispensable benefit to Romanists.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaakko Husa

AbstractThis article examines the complicated legal-cultural process in which Roman law became Byzantine law and Roman legal discourse altered into Byzantine legal discourse. Roman law’s transformation into Early Byzantine law is analysed from the point of view of legal language which mutated from Latin to Greek. The approach is legal cultural and legal linguistic and focuses on the overall shape and general patterns. The goal is to highlight how legal-cultural transformation was incremental, language-bound and that there was no radical or sudden culmination point. Moreover, the analysis answers generally to the question of why sixth-century Byzantine legislative Greek contained frequent Latin loans, expressions, phrases and distortions. The discussion concentrates on the Novellae as an integral part of the process of legal cultural and linguistic change from Roman to Byzantine. Instead of going into detailed linguistic analysis, this article underlines generally the contextuality of law and the importance of legal culture


Author(s):  
Thomas J. McSweeney

Priests of the Law tells the story of the first people in the history of the common law to think of themselves as legal professionals: the group of justices who wrote the celebrated treatise known as Bracton. It offers a new interpretation of Bracton and its authors. Bracton was not so much an attempt to explain or reform the early common law as it was an attempt to establish the status and authority of the king’s justices. The justices who wrote it were some of the first people to work full-time in England’s royal courts, at a time when they had no obvious model for the legal professional. They found one in an unexpected place: the Roman-law tradition that was sweeping across Europe in the thirteenth century. They modeled themselves on the jurists of Roman law who were teaching in Italy and France. In Bracton and other texts they produced, the justices of the royal courts worked hard to establish that the nascent common-law tradition was just one constituent part of the Roman-law tradition. Through their writing, this small group of people, working in the courts of an island realm, imagined themselves to be part of a broader European legal culture. They made the case that they were not merely servants of the king. They were priests of the law.


Author(s):  
Paul Mitchell

Abstract This article challenges the traditional view that informal sponsalia (as described in D. 23,1) were legally unenforceable in classical Roman law. After a close examination of the contents and structure of D. 23,1 and related Digest texts, it offers a new interpretation of a crucial passage from Aulus Gellius (Noctes Atticae 4.4), which has traditionally been read as showing that Roman sponsalia were unenforceable. The article then concludes with a consideration of the literary evidence offered by Varro, Plautus and Ovid.


Author(s):  
Willem J. Zwalve

This article is about Roman ‘law reports’ in general, and particularly about the so-called decreta frontiana mentioned in D. 29,2,99 and not infrequently attributed to Titius Aristo. It is contended that Aristo was indeed the author of a great number of notae, responsa and epistulae, compiled by Sextus Pomponius a generation after Aristo’s death, but that he was not the author of ‘law reports’ entitled decreta Frontoniana or Frontiniana. All he did, was compose an observation (nota) on an appeal case decided by one of six possible consuls, called either Fronto, or Frontonianus, or even Frontinus, that Aristo had found in the consular commentarii. There is only one genuine Roman ‘law report’, and that is the collection of cases decided by Septimius Severus and Caracalla as compiled by Julius Paulus. In the history of Roman legal literature, it is only in the Byzantine period that anything similar appears again.



Author(s):  
F. Brandsma

AbstractIn German legal literature a theory of so-called 'Nebenbesitz' ('co-ordinate possession') is being discussed since more than half a century. It would be applicable when a detentor, a lessee e.g., makes a delivery constituto possessorio to a new lessor, making him possessor, but goes on paying rent to the old lessor, which would leave this lessor in possession. Both possessors would be co-ordinate possessors. Some authors have been referring to Roman law (D. 41,2,32,1) as though it already knew co-ordinate possession. This paper examines the Roman law and ius commune sources and concludes they did not know 'Nebenbesitz'.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-157
Author(s):  
Catalina Chelcu

In our study we are concerned with the issue of the judicial organization and trial procedure, as well as the relation between common law and written law in Moldavia during the second half of the 18th century especially during the last quarter. During this period the legal system continued to be renewed in terms of criminal preoccupations. Both the princes of Moldavia and of Walachia focused on the reformation of justice. The fact that the princes succeeded each other on the throne in the Phanariot 18th century meant, from this standpoint, a great advantage, as different measures regarding the judicial organization and the procedure were promoted, by means of acts with similar content in Iași and in Bucharest. In this context, the prince preserves the prerogative of supreme judge of the country, as well as his place in relation to the boyars-judges. The preservation of legal attributions by the prince in his capacity of supreme instance is underlined in the new form of judicial organisation by the issuing of the definitive sentence, after having read the report including the boyars-judges’ proposition to punish the perpetrators. The motivation of the penalty also invoked extenuating or aggravating circumstance, which diminished or, on the contrary, increased the content of the penalty. The legal documents in Moldavia, dating from the second half of the 18th century, prove the presence of the Byzantine pravila in the legal theory and practice of that time. The Pravila [Law] meant therefore, as we could see in the contemporaries’ testimonies, the Byzantine written law, law guides made according to the Vasilika or the “Imperial law”, those legal texts in 60 volumes made in the 9th century at the demand of Leo VI (also called the Wise, 886-912), which represented an adaptation in Greek of the Roman Law, codified under the Byzantine emperor Justinian I (527-565). The foreign travellers in late 18th century Moldavia remind of the use of the Law of Harmenopoulos in trying criminal issues. Constantine Harmenopoulos was a judge in Thessaloniki, and his work’s title was Hexabiblos, in accordance with the six books it consisted of. This was made in 1345, summarising the Byzantine legislation included in the Vasilika and in the normative acts that had modified them by then, under the form of a guide. It was estimated that this work, and another legal guide, a nomocanon translated in Slavonic and used in the Romanian area starting with the 14th century, i.e. the Syntagma of Matthew Blastares of 1335, were created to replace the Vasilika, as they were “more concise and briefer for the needs of the trying courts”. It was considered that the Byzantine legal literature was very present in the judicial practice during the Phanariot rules, including in the form of those Vasilika (Fabrotus edition of 1647), as well as in other significant laws. But other such collections of nomocanons circulated in Moldavia as well. Particularly far-spread was Vaktiria ton Archiereôn (Bishop’s Staff), a work written by the monk Jacob of Ioannina, at the request of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Parthenius, and printed in 1645. It is also worth mentioning that – in the documentary sources preserved and researched thus far – the impact of sources where the Byzantine law texts constituted the legal grounds concerns mainly civil cases and, to a lesser extent, criminal cases. Border-related litigations – due to violating the protimisis right or to conflicts regarding the inheritance of lands or wealth in general – were solved in courts by consulting the Byzantine juridical standards. Most of the times, it is generically called the “holy code of law”. Hence, trial by “law code” became a reality from the second half of the 18th century, as proven by the documentary sources made available thus far.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Piotr Niczyporuk

PUBLIC BANKERS IN ROMAN LAW SOURCESSummaryThe Romans had an extensive terminology for persons who engaged in banking activities; however, only nummularii and mensarii pursued activities on behalf of the State. Their operations may be regarded as public banking in the broad sense of the term, and were conducted from the 4th century BC until the 3rd century AD. Banking was of key importance in the peak period of growth for Roman trading and financial operations, and this is confirmed in the sources for Roman law. We do not have any records for the bankers referred to as nummularii until the period of classical Roman law, when we get fragmentary references to them in the writings of Roman jurists. There are only two passages on their public activities in the quality control and exchange of coinage; the first is by Sextus Caecilius Africanus, and the second is Ulpian’s commentary on the duties of the prefectus Urbi. Other references to them in the works of Roman jurists relate to their operations concerning deposits and credit, and as such do not belong to the sphere of public law. We get more mentions of public bankers in the Roman non-legal literature. Mensarii, who performed a certain type of public banking duties, are referred to in Livy’s Ab urbe condita. Cicero, Suetonius, and Festus also wrote about them. Moreover, Grammaticus treated the term mensarii as synonymous with nummularii. Presumably the two categories of public bankers were considered to be generally respected individuals. We also have mentions of the nummularii in the non-legal literature. In his Satyricon Petronius esteemed their skills of assessing the quality of coins; they were also held in high regard by Martial, Suetonius, and Apuleius. Suetonius wrote of the severe penalties imposed on the nummularii by the Emperor Galba. On the other hand, all we get in the epigraphic sources, mostly tombstone inscriptions from Rome, elsewhere in Italy, and the western provinces, are records of the activities of the nummularii for the quality control and exchange of coinage, considered an important duty from the point of view of the State. In fact the non-legal and epigraphic literature of Rome tells us more about public bankers than do the sources on Roman law. Their work did not give rise to many legal problems, as we may conclude from the fact they are mentioned only in two juridical passages. The assessment of the quality of coins and their exchange, and other banking activities on behalf of the State were sufficiently supervised by Roman administrative officers, so there was no need for jurists to comment on them at length.


Author(s):  
G.C.J.J. Van Den Bergh ◽  
C.J.H. Jansen

AbstractAfter some attempts in the eighteenth century and the first decade of the nineteenth, the law review finally established itself in the Netherlands with the Bijdragen tot Regtsgeleerdheid en Wetgeving, which C.A. den Tex and J. van Hall brought out in 1826. Under different names the review existed until 1894. The review naturally reflects current legal issues in its time and offers its readers valuable yearly surveys of new legislation, court decisions and legal literature appearing in France, Germany and England. The codification process is followed critically. There is as yet no trace of legalism. Court decisions get as much attention as legislation, if not more. But that is not the main concern. The advancement of legal scholarship in the great tradition of the famous Dutch school is an important motive of the editors. Roman law and legal history are very prominent. But law-professors are not; they are out-numbered by far by learned advocates. As far as Roman law is concerned the editors hold that since it is no longer in force, it must be studied historically. One is bound no more to the canon of texts in the Corpus Juris or the doctrines well established in legal practice for ages, but historically untenable. New finds like Gaius' Institutes and the Fragmenta vaticana are welcomed and studied assiduously. The influence of Savigny and the Historical School is prominent, but criticism does not fail. The editors publicly reject the formation of schools, because these inevitably create one-sidedness.


Global Jurist ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Crema

Abstract The possibility for private entities interested in international trials but without the legal requirements to participate as a party was precluded, in a classical vision of international law made for states and addressed to states. At present, however, with some notable exceptions, several international jurisdictions allow for the submission of amicus curiae briefs. These briefs were introduced to international courts by common law lawyers. Legal literature generally identifies it as an institution of classical Roman law. This paper will show that this assumption is, however, doubtful. An examination of the sources cited by an important dictionary and other decades-old legal scholarship relied upon today as establishing the Roman origins of amicus curiae, and a fresh study of Roman and later continental European primary sources reveal a different picture: in reality, there is neither a basis for grounding the amicus curiae in Roman law, nor is there a basis for grounding it in the medieval continental ius commune. The primary source is most likely English common law and, not surprisingly, it was common law lawyers who introduced the briefs into international litigation.


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