The Code System. Reorganizing Roman Law And Legal Literature In The Late Antique Period*

2021 ◽  
pp. 261-285
Author(s):  
Detlef Liebs
Author(s):  
Marzena Wojtczak

This article investigates the relationship between the legislation introduced in the field of proprietary rights assigned to various Church entities and the practice of accumulation of wealth by the monastic communities in late antique Egypt. On the one hand, among the literary sources the predominant theme concerning Egyptian monasticism is the idea of voluntary poverty and renunciation of worldly possessions aimed at the pursuance of a contemplative life. On the other hand, the papyri offer insight into monastic life that does not seem to have been entirely detached from the outside world. In this vein, the laws of Valentinian I and Theodosius II clearly indicate that monks and nuns continued to own property without disturbance after undertaking religious life. In addition, Theodosius the Great and later emperors restricted the freedom of certain groups of citizens to disown their property, rendering the Christian ideal of voluntary poverty not always feasible. It is only with Justinian that the rules regarding monastic poverty are shaped and set by the secular power. The incentive for this study is to check for any conflict between the principles of classical Roman law in the field of private ownership and imperial legislation included in the Codex Theodosianus. Giorgio Barone-Adesi observed the tension that took place between the Christian communities and their corporations that were allotted ever broader privileges and the Roman principle of preservation of the property within the family unit. There is, however, still some room left for discussion since not all the data easily adds up to an unequivocal conclusion. In this analysis, the Code is treated as a measure for taking a stand by the legislator in the dispute between the will of the owner, recognition of the rights of the heirs and family members, and finally the privileges granted to the religious consortia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yifat Monnickendam

To date, early Christian sources have drawn the scholarly attention of theologians, scholars of biblical commentary, and historians, but not of legal historians, presumably because such sources do not offer sufficiently substantial material for legal historical research. Nevertheless, a few studies have blended legal history and late antique Christianity, and an analysis of these studies shows they are based on a “centralist,” or “formalist–positivist,” conceptualization of law. In this paper I review the scholarship of legal traditions in the eastern Roman Empire— namely, Roman law and Greek legal traditions, the halakha in rabbinic literature, and the halakhic traditions in Qumranic literature and in the New Testament—and contextualize it within developments in legal theory and legal sociology and anthropology (that is, the rise of legal pluralism). This review shows that developments in legal theory, in legal sociology and anthropology, and in legal history of the late antique world are producing new paradigms and models in the study of late antique legal history. These new models, together with new methods in reading early Christian non-legal texts of the eastern Roman Empire, can be utilized in the study of early Christianity, thereby opening gateways to the study of its legal traditions and revealing independent legal traditions that have remained hidden to date.


Author(s):  
Hylkje de Jong

In Roman and Byzantine legal literature there has been much debate about the payment (merces/μισθός) claimed by the mandatory in D. 17,1,26,8 (B. 14,1,26,8). The reason was the requirement of gratuitousness of mandatum, which made that this case should in principle be classified as a locatio conductio/μίσθωσις. To explain the presence of merces in Roman law literature several suggestions were made: interpolation, remuneration, the existence of two contracts or a pactum adiectum. In Byzantine law literature μισθός was interpreted as the payment for the slave. These interpretations are one way or another unsatisfactory. In (early) Byzantine law a plausible new interpretation can be found. Here the payment is interpreted as expenses incurred to make the property, i.e. slave, worth more, and such expenses (for training slaves) are ‘useful’ expenses. This interpretation is plausible and applies also for classical Roman law. It shows that the use of the Basilica is of indispensable benefit to Romanists.



2007 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-441
Author(s):  
Robert Frakes

Two striking developments in late antiquity are the growing influence of Christianity and the codification of Roman law. The first attempt to harmonize these two developments lies in the late antique Latin work known by scholars as the Lex Dei (“Law of God”) or Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum (“Collation of the Laws of Moses and of the Romans”). The anonymous collator of this short legal compendium organized his work following a fairly regular plan, dividing it into sixteen topics (traditionally called titles). Each title begins with a quotation from the Hebrew Bible (in Latin), followed by quotations of passages from Roman jurists and, occasionally, from Roman law. His apparent motive was to demonstrate the similarity between Roman law and the law of God. Scholars have differed over where the collator obtained his Latin translations of passages from the Hebrew Bible. Did he make his own translation from the Greek Septuagint or directly from the Hebrew Scriptures themselves? Did he use the famous Latin translation of Jerome or an older, pre-Jerome, Latin translation of the Bible, known by scholars as the Vetus Latina or Old Latin Bible? Re-examination of the evolution of texts of the Latin Bible and close comparison of biblical passages from the Lex Dei with other surviving Latin versions will confirm that the collator used one of the several versions of the Old Latin Bible that were in circulation in late antiquity. Such a conclusion supports the argument that the religious identity of the collator was Christian (a subject of scholarly controversy for almost a century). Moreover, analysis of the collator's use of the Bible can also shed light on his methodology in compiling his collection.


Author(s):  
Antonia Apostolakou

This study investigates linguistic and scriptal variation in notary signatures found in late antique contracts from Egypt, seeking to identify and interpret the potential relationship between choices in language and script. To answer this, theoretical concepts and methods from sociolinguistics, social semiotics, and multilingual studies are used, with the objective of adding a new, more linguistically-oriented perspective to existing research on notarial signatures. On the one hand, this research demonstrates how the Latin script seems to restrict notaries, resulting in transliterated Greek signatures with very homogeneous content. The familiarity of notaries with the Greek language and writing is, on the other hand, reflected in signatures written in the Greek alphabet, which are much more diverse and at times adjusted to the circumstances under which specific documents were composed. Even if notaries seem to lack confidence in freely producing text in the Latin script, they choose to do so due to its functional values, which are conveyed and perceived visually. Latin letters create an association between signatories and Roman law, adding to the trustworthiness and prestige of the signatures. Differentiating between script and language allows us to understand how the Latin script maintained the connotations that formerly accompanied the Latin language, gradually replacing it in the form of transliterated passages, at a time when the language was disappearing from papyrological documentation. In this sense, sociolinguistics, and especially social semiotics, prove useful when dealing with visual aspects of language in papyri, as they prevent their functions and meanings from being overlooked.


Author(s):  
Willem J. Zwalve

This article is about Roman ‘law reports’ in general, and particularly about the so-called decreta frontiana mentioned in D. 29,2,99 and not infrequently attributed to Titius Aristo. It is contended that Aristo was indeed the author of a great number of notae, responsa and epistulae, compiled by Sextus Pomponius a generation after Aristo’s death, but that he was not the author of ‘law reports’ entitled decreta Frontoniana or Frontiniana. All he did, was compose an observation (nota) on an appeal case decided by one of six possible consuls, called either Fronto, or Frontonianus, or even Frontinus, that Aristo had found in the consular commentarii. There is only one genuine Roman ‘law report’, and that is the collection of cases decided by Septimius Severus and Caracalla as compiled by Julius Paulus. In the history of Roman legal literature, it is only in the Byzantine period that anything similar appears again.



Author(s):  
F. Brandsma

AbstractIn German legal literature a theory of so-called 'Nebenbesitz' ('co-ordinate possession') is being discussed since more than half a century. It would be applicable when a detentor, a lessee e.g., makes a delivery constituto possessorio to a new lessor, making him possessor, but goes on paying rent to the old lessor, which would leave this lessor in possession. Both possessors would be co-ordinate possessors. Some authors have been referring to Roman law (D. 41,2,32,1) as though it already knew co-ordinate possession. This paper examines the Roman law and ius commune sources and concludes they did not know 'Nebenbesitz'.


Author(s):  
Robert M. Frakes

AbstractA fragment from the anonymous text known as the Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum (The Collation of the Laws of Moses and of the Romans) or the Lex Dei (the Law of God) has recently been identified in the State Archives in Zadar, Croatia. The Collatio is a late antique collection of Old Testament strictures and passages from Roman jurists and Roman law which continues to be the subject of scholarly debate. Close examination of this new fragment in the context of the manuscript tradition of the work can give insight into the nature of the lost codex from which it came as well as shed light on the transmission of the Collatio in the Middle Ages.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-157
Author(s):  
Catalina Chelcu

In our study we are concerned with the issue of the judicial organization and trial procedure, as well as the relation between common law and written law in Moldavia during the second half of the 18th century especially during the last quarter. During this period the legal system continued to be renewed in terms of criminal preoccupations. Both the princes of Moldavia and of Walachia focused on the reformation of justice. The fact that the princes succeeded each other on the throne in the Phanariot 18th century meant, from this standpoint, a great advantage, as different measures regarding the judicial organization and the procedure were promoted, by means of acts with similar content in Iași and in Bucharest. In this context, the prince preserves the prerogative of supreme judge of the country, as well as his place in relation to the boyars-judges. The preservation of legal attributions by the prince in his capacity of supreme instance is underlined in the new form of judicial organisation by the issuing of the definitive sentence, after having read the report including the boyars-judges’ proposition to punish the perpetrators. The motivation of the penalty also invoked extenuating or aggravating circumstance, which diminished or, on the contrary, increased the content of the penalty. The legal documents in Moldavia, dating from the second half of the 18th century, prove the presence of the Byzantine pravila in the legal theory and practice of that time. The Pravila [Law] meant therefore, as we could see in the contemporaries’ testimonies, the Byzantine written law, law guides made according to the Vasilika or the “Imperial law”, those legal texts in 60 volumes made in the 9th century at the demand of Leo VI (also called the Wise, 886-912), which represented an adaptation in Greek of the Roman Law, codified under the Byzantine emperor Justinian I (527-565). The foreign travellers in late 18th century Moldavia remind of the use of the Law of Harmenopoulos in trying criminal issues. Constantine Harmenopoulos was a judge in Thessaloniki, and his work’s title was Hexabiblos, in accordance with the six books it consisted of. This was made in 1345, summarising the Byzantine legislation included in the Vasilika and in the normative acts that had modified them by then, under the form of a guide. It was estimated that this work, and another legal guide, a nomocanon translated in Slavonic and used in the Romanian area starting with the 14th century, i.e. the Syntagma of Matthew Blastares of 1335, were created to replace the Vasilika, as they were “more concise and briefer for the needs of the trying courts”. It was considered that the Byzantine legal literature was very present in the judicial practice during the Phanariot rules, including in the form of those Vasilika (Fabrotus edition of 1647), as well as in other significant laws. But other such collections of nomocanons circulated in Moldavia as well. Particularly far-spread was Vaktiria ton Archiereôn (Bishop’s Staff), a work written by the monk Jacob of Ioannina, at the request of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Parthenius, and printed in 1645. It is also worth mentioning that – in the documentary sources preserved and researched thus far – the impact of sources where the Byzantine law texts constituted the legal grounds concerns mainly civil cases and, to a lesser extent, criminal cases. Border-related litigations – due to violating the protimisis right or to conflicts regarding the inheritance of lands or wealth in general – were solved in courts by consulting the Byzantine juridical standards. Most of the times, it is generically called the “holy code of law”. Hence, trial by “law code” became a reality from the second half of the 18th century, as proven by the documentary sources made available thus far.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Piotr Niczyporuk

PUBLIC BANKERS IN ROMAN LAW SOURCESSummaryThe Romans had an extensive terminology for persons who engaged in banking activities; however, only nummularii and mensarii pursued activities on behalf of the State. Their operations may be regarded as public banking in the broad sense of the term, and were conducted from the 4th century BC until the 3rd century AD. Banking was of key importance in the peak period of growth for Roman trading and financial operations, and this is confirmed in the sources for Roman law. We do not have any records for the bankers referred to as nummularii until the period of classical Roman law, when we get fragmentary references to them in the writings of Roman jurists. There are only two passages on their public activities in the quality control and exchange of coinage; the first is by Sextus Caecilius Africanus, and the second is Ulpian’s commentary on the duties of the prefectus Urbi. Other references to them in the works of Roman jurists relate to their operations concerning deposits and credit, and as such do not belong to the sphere of public law. We get more mentions of public bankers in the Roman non-legal literature. Mensarii, who performed a certain type of public banking duties, are referred to in Livy’s Ab urbe condita. Cicero, Suetonius, and Festus also wrote about them. Moreover, Grammaticus treated the term mensarii as synonymous with nummularii. Presumably the two categories of public bankers were considered to be generally respected individuals. We also have mentions of the nummularii in the non-legal literature. In his Satyricon Petronius esteemed their skills of assessing the quality of coins; they were also held in high regard by Martial, Suetonius, and Apuleius. Suetonius wrote of the severe penalties imposed on the nummularii by the Emperor Galba. On the other hand, all we get in the epigraphic sources, mostly tombstone inscriptions from Rome, elsewhere in Italy, and the western provinces, are records of the activities of the nummularii for the quality control and exchange of coinage, considered an important duty from the point of view of the State. In fact the non-legal and epigraphic literature of Rome tells us more about public bankers than do the sources on Roman law. Their work did not give rise to many legal problems, as we may conclude from the fact they are mentioned only in two juridical passages. The assessment of the quality of coins and their exchange, and other banking activities on behalf of the State were sufficiently supervised by Roman administrative officers, so there was no need for jurists to comment on them at length.


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