Financing for Development: Examining the Concept of Resource Mobilization for International Organizations, a case study of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 467-496
Author(s):  
Faith Kamau ◽  
Marieclaire Colaiacomo

The International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) was established in 1977 under unique circumstances during a period of severe food crisis coupled with the oil crisis. Although it was bestowed with a broad mandate to “mobilize additional resources to be made available on concessional terms for agricultural development in developing member states”, IFAD has relied almost exclusively on donor contributions through the traditional replenishment process to finance its operations. As a result, the scope and scale of IFAD’s operations has been dependent on its ability to mobilize resources from its donors, these contributions have not been particularly forthcoming.

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 447-477
Author(s):  
Rutsel Silvestre Martha

AbstractQuestions of mandate are central in the actual operations of intergovernmental organizations within secretariats, in opinions of legal counsel, and in governing councils and general assemblies. Mandate issues can impose real constraints, or generate demands for action, or be brushed aside in some political circumstances. Overall they are a significant and perplexing part of the administrative law of international organizations. This paper explores the highly varied practical effect of mandate issues on operations of an international organization, through analysis of diverse approaches to mandate constraints and aspirations in ventures of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (6) ◽  
pp. 1963-1981
Author(s):  
Gisela Hirschmann

Abstract International organizations (IOs) play a key role in promoting multilateral cooperation on critical transnational issues. Yet, their authority has increasingly been contested by member states that cut financial contributions or even withdraw their membership. How do IOs respond to such contestation? While the existing literature has mostly focused on reactions by other member states, I argue in this article that our understanding of IOs' responses to contestation remains incomplete without an analysis of IO bureaucracies. I propose a conceptual framework to analyse three types of bureaucratic responses: inertia, i.e. no immediate response; adaptation, i.e. institutional changes to maintain the support of the challenging member state(s); and resilience-building, i.e. developing organizational capacities to limit contestation. I argue that each of these responses is shaped by specific bureaucratic mechanisms, namely hunkering, negotiation, framing, coalition-building, shaming and professionalization. Based on a comparative within-case study analysing the reactions of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) to budget cuts by the Reagan, Bush and Trump administrations, I further theorize that the organization's threat perception, the position of other member states and bureaucratic leadership are relevant factors that need to be considered to explain the variation in IO responses to contestation.


Author(s):  
Anna Wolkenhauer

AbstractThis chapter maps the field of international organizations (IOs) in food that has been institutionalized as a global policy field since WWII and has undergone several shifts since then. The chapter traces the emergence of the major IOs of the field, especially the Food and Agriculture Organization, the World Bank, the International Fund for Agricultural Development, the World Food Program, and more recently also the International Labor Organization and the United Nations Children’s Fund. The second half of the twentieth century began with visionary ideas about the global regulation of food production and consumption, moved to a concern with smallholders and food security, and ended with a neoliberal shift away from production toward ensuring consumption through world trade. The new millennium is marked by a rhetorical consensus between the main IOs, new debates about production, hopes in the social protection agenda, as well as increasingly vocal organized critics of the dominant order.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-41
Author(s):  
Kristina Daugirdas

The cholera outbreak in Haiti offers a useful case study of reputation as a disciplinarian of international organizations. On the one hand, UN officials and member states alike have emphasized the need to repair the organization’s damaged reputation. On the other hand, the UN secretariat declined to take certain steps that might have averted—or at least mitigated—that reputational damage in the first place. This contribution argues that the United Nations’ response to cholera in Haiti showcases some important limitations and complications of reputation as a disciplinarian. Reputation will function as a less effective disciplinarian of organizations in the context of uncertainty about the facts or about what the law requires. Notably, international organizations have some capacity to perpetuate factual uncertainty through their control over key sources of information. Reputation will also serve as a less effective disciplinarian when organizations have multiple audiences that are not evaluating the organization against the same standards.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Nur Huzeima Mohd Hussain ◽  
Hugh Byrd ◽  
Nur Azfahani Ahmad

Globalisation combined with resources of oil and gas has led to an industrial society in Malaysia.  For the past 30 years, rapid urban growth has shifted from 73% rural to 73% urban population. However, the peak oil crisis and economic issues are threatening the growth of urbanisation and influencing the trends of population mobility. This paper documents the beginnings of a reverse migration (urban-to-rural) in Malaysia.  The method adopted case study that involves questionnaires with the urban migrants to establish the desires, definite intentions and reasons for future migration. Based on this data, it predicts a trend and rate of reverse migration in Malaysia. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 004711782097032
Author(s):  
Diana Panke

Cooperation in regional international organizations (RIOs) can help member states to work toward and perhaps achieve policy goals that would not be feasible unilaterally. Thus, RIOs might be used as a means of states to compensate for domestic shortcomings in output performance. Do states equip RIOs with policy competencies in order to compensate corresponding domestic performance shortcomings? The analysis of a novel database on policy competencies of 76 RIOs between 1945 and 2015 reveals that usually RIOs are not usually used as window-dressing devices by which states disguise limited domestic output performance. Instead, governments tend to equip RIOs with policy competencies in order to further strengthen their already good output performance in most policy areas. However, in the policy area, ‘energy’ states tend to confer more competencies to their respective RIOs, the worse they perform domestically, indicating that output-related compensation dynamics might be at play in this field.


Author(s):  
Mohammed A. El-Shirbeny ◽  
Abdelraouf M. Ali ◽  
Ghada A. Khdery ◽  
Nasser H. Saleh ◽  
Nagwan M. Afify ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232098451
Author(s):  
Steven Van Hecke ◽  
Harald Fuhr ◽  
Wouter Wolfs

Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management. Points for practitioners As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints.


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