Inquiring the Political Strategy of Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) in Post-2018 Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-358
Author(s):  
Asabu S. Alamineh ◽  
Birhanu B. Geremew ◽  
Kidanu A. Temesgen

Abstract The upsurge of TPLF led regime to power installed ethnic politics and deconstruction of Ethiopian history with corporate corruption, ultra-vires and pseudo-federalism. The misappropriations of national assets added with autocratic nature of the regime procreated erratic political oppositions and protests since the party set on to power. The political marginalization at intra-party level also created split, which brought state elites in Amhara and Oromia regions to support the acute popular protest. These political scenarios have compelled TPLF to abscond into Mekelle and the coming of reformist leaders to power in 2018. This paper thus aimed to uncover TPLF’s political strategy in post 2018 Ethiopia by employing a qualitative case study with a secondary data obtained from Mass Media, commentaries and digitized outlets. The loss of key political positions and attachment of the regime’s wrong deeds to TPLF has bugging its elites after the coming of the new premiership. As counter to the reformist leaders, TPLF undertook huge militarization, destabilization and proxies, inducing popular fear, supporting like-minded regional oppositions to propagandize sensitive political issues to regain its lost prestige. This power rivalry created political absurdism, where political decisions and policies of the reformists had continued to be officially banned by TPLF in a way that disastrously impacted the survival of the state. Thus, it is important to undertake political reconciliation to freeze the prevailing political deadlocks for the continuation of the polity.

Author(s):  
Seeni Mohamed Aliff

This paper will examine the impact of PR electoral systems in a divided society. This research will explore the strength and weakness of the current electoral system and institutional design of Sri Lanka and will recommend changes to decrease the risk of minority exclusion in decision making and ethnic violence. The objectives of this research are to examine the character of the merits and demerits of the PR, and to investigate and assess the impacts of the PR in the multi ethnic societies of Sri Lanka. The study is a qualitative case study, and primary and secondary data sources have been employed to gather relevant data. The My Fieldwork was conducted in Sri Lanka, with the intention of gaining a better and more thorough understanding of the current situation. The interviews conducted were as such not structured or semi-structured, due to the interviewees’ varying professional background and institutional affiliation. Accordingly, unstructured interviews, as well as informal conversations and meetings, were conducted throughout Sri Lanka.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali R. Abasi ◽  
Nahal Akbari

This qualitative case study investigates dissent in the news discourse of a major pro-reform newspaper covering the Iranian presidential election debates that took place in June 2009. Drawing on appraisal theory as its analytical lens, the article examines the evaluation of the three major candidates in the paper’s coverage of the debates. The article begins with the broader sociopolitical context situating the watershed debates and a description of the legal framework within which the Iranian press operate. The analysis next details the function of attitudinal resources in the discursive representation of the political actors. As central to an ideologically invested strategy, evaluative linguistic resources are found to sharply dichotomize the political actors along a range of positive and negative value positions that dissent from those advanced in the narratives of the dominant power.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mette Marie Roslyng ◽  
Bolette B Blaagaard

This article argues that the definition of the political and its role in on- and offline public spheres calls for a conceptualization that takes into account the networked connections established between lay and professional political actors, mass media and mobile media. While acknowledging the importance of popular and mass media’s impact on participatory and democratic processes, this article focuses on the cultural citizen and proposes that a rethinking of publics affords a new understanding of the idea of networks as a series of connection points fostering a dynamic and relational view on the political. We illustrate this conceptualization through a case study mapping the agonistic and antagonistic frontiers in communication in a variety of publics and counter-publics in the context of Danish minority culture and politics.


1994 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Betty Malen

This article applies Hans Weiler's conception of the “political utilities” of decentralization to case study data on a school district's decision to enact site-based management. The article argues that site-based management may have considerable political utility in crisis contexts. Quite apart from its ability to improve school performance, it may bolster the district's ability to manage conflict and maintain legitimacy. These dual utilities may be more multifaceted than the orienting perspective posits and may be encumbered by dual liabilities that make this prominent reform a precarious as well as a potent political strategy.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister

AbstractThe extent of differences in mass-elite political opinion and their theoretical implications have long been a source of interest to democratic theorists. Early classical democratic theorists saw education as the solution to mass-elite political differences, with an educated mass public displaying the same support for democratic institutions as their elite counterparts. By contrast, the later democratic elitists saw little that would reduce mass-elite differences. More recently, modern elite theorists have argued that elites are more polarized on political issues than mass publics, and that political conflict can be moderated by the ability of elites to downplay potentially divisive issues. Using Australia as a case study, these three approaches to mass-elite political differences are analyzed using a matched survey of voters and candidates conducted at the Australia 1987 federal election. The results show little support for education as a factor reducing mass-elite differences and point to the democratic elitists' argument that mass-elite political differences are fixed and enduring. In line with modern elite theories, the results also confirm the existence of more intense issue polarization among elites than among voters, and elites' ability to control the issues that reach the political agenda.


Author(s):  
Annisa Indah Kartika ◽  
Sara R. Qanti

ABSTRAKPeningkatan produksi susu di Indonesia masih belum mencukupi kebutuhan konsumsi susu diIndonesia yang juga terus meningkat. Koperasi Produksi Susu (KPS) hadir untuk memfasilitasi parapeternak sapi perah. KPS tidak dapat menjalankan seluruh kegiatannya sendiri maka KPS menjalinkerja sama dalam memenuhi sarana produksi, distribusi, kualitas, dan kontinuitas. Tujuan penelitianini adalah untuk mengetahui pola dan keragaan kemitraan yang terjadi pada KPS Bogor. Penelitiandilakukan di KPS Bogor di Jln. Baru Kedung Badak, Kelurahan Kedung Badak, Kecamatan TanahSareal, Kota Bogor, Jawa Barat. Penelitian dilakukan dengan desain deskriptif kualitatif dan teknikpenelitian studi kasus. Responden dan informan ditentukan dengan sengaja. Data yang digunakanadalah data primer dan sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa KPS Bogor memiliki enamperusahaan mitra yaitu PT. AMS, CV. MAJU, Cimory, Indolakto, Nutrifood, dan Unican. Hanya satudari enam perusahaan ini yang memiliki perjanjian tertulis yaitu PT. AMS dalam bentuk Kerja SamaOperasi (KSO). Perjanjian tidak tertulis dengan Indolakto, Cimory, Nutrifood, dan Unican dalambentuk kemitraan subkontrak, dan CV. MAJU dalam bentuk vertical forward linkage. Dalampelaksanaan kerjasama antara KPS dan mitra, banyak proses yang dilakukan secara spontan.Kata kunci: susu, keragaan, kemitraan, kerja sama bisnis, spontanABSTRACTMilk production in Indonesia is still insufficient to fulfil increasing milk consumption in Indonesia.West Java is one of the largest milk production centre in Indonesia and also place where there aremany milk production cooperatives (MPC). MPC presents to facilitates the dairy farmers. MPC wasnot able to run the entire business itself, then it cooperates with various partners in term ofproduction facilities, distribution, quality control, and continuity. The purpose of this study is todetermine the pattern and the performance of partnerships at the MPC in Bogor. The study wasconducted at the MPC in Bogor located at Jln. Baru Kedung Badak, Kedung Badak Village, TanahSareal District, City of Bogor, West Java. Descriptive design and a qualitative case study researchtechnique were used in this study. Primary data were collected by using participant observation andinterviews. Both primary and secondary data were used in this study. Important results suggest thatMPC in Bogor has six partner companies, namely PT. AMS, CV. MAJU, Indolakto, Cimory,Nutrifood, and Unican. Only one (PT. AMS) of these six companies has written agreement and inform of Joint Operation. The unwritten agreements with Indolakto, Cimory, Nutrifood, and Unicanare in subcontract partnerships form, and CV. MAJU is in vertical forward linkage form. In theimplementation of partnerships, many processes are carried out spontaneously.Keywords: milk, the performance, partnerships, business collaboration, spontaneous


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.


2005 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Niven

Signifcant scholarly work suggests mass media professionals largely set the voices in their coverage to mirror that of mainstream government debate. While it is a compelling assertion, this view is only intermittently supported by data. This paper suggests that such theories enjoy inconsistent support because they fail to consider the interaction between journalists' incentives and the political climate. An economic theory is advanced here that the political journalists' objectives to please their superiors, please themselves, limit negative feedback, and expend minimum energy, in other words to minimize their costs and maximize their benefits, lead them to rely on tactics that vary with the scope of consensus support for an issue. This theory is tested by analyzing newspaper coverage of four political issues debated in Congress.


1970 ◽  
pp. 79-88
Author(s):  
Cecilia Cassinger

This paper introduces the concept of aspirational talk to examine the constitutive features of place brand communication. Aspirational talk builds on a performative view of communication and is characterised by a gap between future-oriented visionary talk and concrete action. The study explores place brand communication as aspirational talk through a qualitative case study of how place branding is used to drive changed in two Swedish cities. Two ideological different aspirations are identified and contrasted. It is argued that aspirational talk helps us to further understand the gap between the political visions and ideals that underpin place brand communication and residents’ everyday life in the city.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document