The Papacy and the Political Consolidation of the Catalan Counties, c. 1060–1100: A Case Study in Political Strategy

2017 ◽  
pp. 103-117
Author(s):  
Luis García-Guijarro Ramos
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Consolidation

Enacting Site-Based Management: A Political Utilities Analysis

1994 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Betty Malen
Keyword(s):  
School Performance ◽  
Study Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Site Based Management ◽  
Case Study Data

This article applies Hans Weiler's conception of the “political utilities” of decentralization to case study data on a school district's decision to enact site-based management. The article argues that site-based management may have considerable political utility in crisis contexts. Quite apart from its ability to improve school performance, it may bolster the district's ability to manage conflict and maintain legitimacy. These dual utilities may be more multifaceted than the orienting perspective posits and may be encumbered by dual liabilities that make this prominent reform a precarious as well as a potent political strategy.

scholarly journals Strategi Defensif dan Ofensif Parpol Berbasis Massa Islam dalam Mencapai Parliamentary Threshold pada Pemilu 2014

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
National Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Psychological Approach ◽  
Defensive Strategy ◽  
Societal Issues

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.

Inquiring the Political Strategy of Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) in Post-2018 Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-358
Author(s):  
Asabu S. Alamineh ◽  
Birhanu B. Geremew ◽  
Kidanu A. Temesgen
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Qualitative Case Study ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Reconciliation ◽  
Political Decisions

Abstract The upsurge of TPLF led regime to power installed ethnic politics and deconstruction of Ethiopian history with corporate corruption, ultra-vires and pseudo-federalism. The misappropriations of national assets added with autocratic nature of the regime procreated erratic political oppositions and protests since the party set on to power. The political marginalization at intra-party level also created split, which brought state elites in Amhara and Oromia regions to support the acute popular protest. These political scenarios have compelled TPLF to abscond into Mekelle and the coming of reformist leaders to power in 2018. This paper thus aimed to uncover TPLF’s political strategy in post 2018 Ethiopia by employing a qualitative case study with a secondary data obtained from Mass Media, commentaries and digitized outlets. The loss of key political positions and attachment of the regime’s wrong deeds to TPLF has bugging its elites after the coming of the new premiership. As counter to the reformist leaders, TPLF undertook huge militarization, destabilization and proxies, inducing popular fear, supporting like-minded regional oppositions to propagandize sensitive political issues to regain its lost prestige. This power rivalry created political absurdism, where political decisions and policies of the reformists had continued to be officially banned by TPLF in a way that disastrously impacted the survival of the state. Thus, it is important to undertake political reconciliation to freeze the prevailing political deadlocks for the continuation of the polity.

The Politics of e-Learning

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-42
Author(s):  
Celia Romm Livermore ◽  
Mahesh Raisinghani ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
Different Types ◽  
E Learning

The goal of this research is to study the political strategies utilized in the context of e-Learning. The paper is based on the e-Learning Political Strategies (ELPoS) model. The model is based on two dimensions: (1) the direction of the political strategy (upward or downward), and (2) the scope of the political strategy (individual or group based). The model assumes that the interaction between these dimensions defines four different types of e-Learning political strategies, which, in turn, lead to different outcomes. The model is discussed in the context of the literature on e-Learning and is accompanied with a case study that is divided into four parts (“acts”). Each of the four acts provides an example of each of the four strategies in the model. The discussion and conclusions section integrates the findings from the case study, outlines the rules that govern the utilization of political behavior in the context of e-Learning, and lists the practical conclusions that can be drawn from a better understating of the politics of e-Learning.

scholarly journals Kemenangan Partai Partai Aceh pada Pemilihan Legeslatif 2009 di Kabupaten Aceh Tamiang 2009

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdi Karya
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Actual State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Political Machine ◽  
The People

This study is a study of the victory of local parties with a case study of Aceh Party's victory in legislative elections in Aceh Tamiang District 2009. The focus discusses why the Aceh Party (PA) can win the legislative elections in Aceh Tamiang District 2009. The method used is descriptive-qualitative method, The research are emphasized on giving an objective picture about the actual state of the object under study. However, in order to obtain broader benefits in this study, in addition to the fact also the provision of strong interpretations. With the technique of collecting interview data and documentation and data analysis techniques using descriptive analysis. The findings of this study include four things that are the factors winning the Aceh Party in the 2009 Election. First, the factors of political strategy; Secondly, there is a solid political machine; Third, the political culture of the people of Aceh Tamiang; Fourth, the political atmosphere. Furthermore, there were also four things to be the inhibiting factors experienced by the Aceh Party in the 2009 Election. Firstly, the funding factor; Secondly, the existence of intimidation; Third, party infrastructure; Fourth, 30% quota of female candidates

eLearning Political Strategies

2017 ◽  
pp. 289-303
Author(s):  
Celia Romm-Livermore ◽  
Mahesh S. Raisinghani ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa
Keyword(s):  
Two Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Practical Implications

The starting point for this paper is the eLearning Political Strategies (ELPoS) model. The model is based on two dimensions: 1) the direction of the political strategy (upward or downward), and 2) the scope of the political strategy (individual or group based). The interaction between the above dimensions defines four different types of eLearning political strategies, which result in different political outcomes. The model is accompanied with one case study that is divided into four parts (“acts”). Each of the acts provides an example of one of the four strategies in the model. The discussion and conclusions sections integrate the findings from the case study, outline the rules that govern the application of political strategies in the context of eLearning, and list some of the theoretical and practical implications from a better understating of the politics of eLearning.

Participation without Power

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Koch ◽  
Lina María Sánchez Steiner
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Legal Requirements ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Public Actor ◽  
Countervailing Power ◽  
Countervailing Powers ◽  
Land Use Plan

Citizen participation has become an important political strategy. A case study of the Barranquilla land-use plan employing Fung and Wright’s theories on countervailing power reveals that the citizen participation promoted to comply with legal requirements was a failure because it was manipulated by the dominant public actor. In societies such as that of Barranquilla, which employs traditional modes of politics, there is little chance of fostering successful participatory processes because there is no countervailing power to offset the established one. The violent context that surrounds the political sphere, low confidence in state institutions, and the convergence of economic and political power prevent the creation of strong and independent countervailing powers. La participación ciudadana se ha convertido en una importante estrategia política. El estudio de caso del plan de usos de terrenos de Barranquilla a través del prisma de las teorías de Fung y Wright sobre el poder compensatorio revela que la participación ciudadana promovida para cumplir con los requisitos legales fue un fracaso porque fue manipulada por el actor público dominante. En sociedades como la de Barranquilla, con sus modos tradicionales de la política, hay pocas posibilidades de fomentar procesos de participación exitosos porque no hay un poder compensatorio que contrarreste el poder establecido. El contexto violento que envuelve la esfera política, la poca confianza en las instituciones estatales y la convergencia del poder económico con el poder social impiden la creación de poderes compensatorios fuertes e independientes.

scholarly journals Dalits, Their Support Base and the Bahujan Samaj Party: A Case Study of the Doaba Region

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-54
Author(s):  
Nirmal Singh
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
High Concentration ◽  
Scheduled Castes ◽  
Bahujan Samaj Party

Scheduled Castes (SCs) comprise 16.6 per cent of India’s population. The distinguishing feature of SCs in Punjab is that they constitute numerical strength, that is, 31.9 per cent (2011 Census). In terms of population share, Punjab accounts for 4.4 per cent of the total SCs’ population in India. During this decade, two more castes, namely, Mochi and Mahatam/Rai Sikh castes, have been notified as SCs in Punjab. Today, it is estimated that the proportion of Dalits may have risen above 32 per cent in Punjab. This article argues as to why the high concentration of Dalit population in Punjab has not translated into success for the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). For answering this question, the study examines two aspects, namely, the nature of the party organization and the political strategy of the BSP. The study was qualitative and conducted in the Doaba region of Punjab. It is an analysis of the interactions with 300 respondents of the targeted SCs population and 25 leaders of the BSP and its factional political parties.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

2018 Fiji Election Results: Patterns of Voting by Provinces, Rural-Urban Localities, and by Candidates

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quantitative Analyses ◽  
Election Results

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.

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