scholarly journals The Relationship Between the Religion and the State Between the Western Vision and the Islamic Vision in Its Asian Models

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Taha Abdel Aal Taha Mohamed
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
Medieval Period ◽  
The Public ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
Descriptive Approach ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

This study aimed at addressing the relationship between religion and state, by reviewing the evolution of that relationship in the western vision, beginning with the dominance of the Church in the medieval period, and the emergence of the theocratic state, then ideas of secularism, and the conflict between religion and state in the Frame of ideology, Then reviewing a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism and the emergence of religious presence in the public sphere. On the other hand, the study dealt with the relationship between religion and state in the Islamic vision in its Asian Models. Where the study dealt with the model of the "Madina State" during the era of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), which is the Islamic model that spread in the Asian Peninsula, which was the basis of Sunni Islamic thought later. The study also dealt with the "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which forms the basis of Shiite thought in Iran. The study relied on the descriptive approach that deals with the analysis and description of the phenomenon. This approach was used in this study to trace the development of the relationship between religion and state in the western vision and Islamic vision in its Asian models. The study concluded with some results. The most important of these was that: the Western vision to a certain extent passed with integration between religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Theocratic State" in the Medieval Period, where the church dominated all the political and social affairs of the state. The Western vision also to a certain extent passed with separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of "secularism", where modernity was linked to the non-involvement of religion in politics, The Western vision also passed with the emergence of a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism, as reflected in the model of "religious presence in the public sphere. Finally, the Islamic vision with its Asian Models witnessed the difficulty of full integration or separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Madina State" during the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), and its thought which is followed by Sunni Islamic thought. And the Shiite "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which was the origin of a religious mandate for political power, although it differs from the "Theocratic State" model completely.

scholarly journals Anthropology and the State in Brazil: questions concerning a complex relationship

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima ◽  
Caio Gonçalves Dias
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Third Moment

Abstract In this article we argue that, in order to understand the “attack” made on anthropology in Brazil, undertaken in the public sphere since the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, we need to look at how anthropological knowledge has become disciplined and institutionalized in the medium to long term. We refer, in particular, to the relationship between what has been constituted as a “field of anthropology” and issues related to the public sphere. It is also necessary to consider the configuration with other institutionalized knowledge throughout the period spanning from the end of the nineteenth century to the present, with discontinuities but also with some important continuities. We look to show that the anthropology initially undertaken in Brazil was basically committed to furthering the interests of the agrarian-based political elites, a situation that continued from the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth century and into the first decades of the twenty-first, not only at the level of nation building, but also in the formation of the State. However, since the 1950s, and especially following creation of the new postgraduate courses in the late 1960s and early 1970s, anthropologists developed knowledge that led them to make an ethical and moral commitment to the communities with which they worked, combined with a critique of the military regime’s developmentalism and dictatorial authoritarianism. During a third moment ranging from the constituent process to the present, a portion of Brazilian anthropologists began to work directly in the recognition of rights constitutionally assigned to differentiated collectivities, generating a growing and progressive zone of friction with the hegemonic sectors at the economic-political level.

scholarly journals DISKURSUS AGAMA DALAM RUANG PUBLIK MENURUT JÃœRGEN HABERMAS

LOGOS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Leo Agung Srie Gunawan ◽  
Nathanio Chris Maranatha Bangun
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
The Public ◽  
Rational Consensus ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

Today, the role of religions still exists in the public sphere. Habermas sees that religious citizens tend to give their aspirations in the public sphere in a destructive way. As a result, A religion is considered the cause of crime. Actually, It has a various positive benefits to be brought into the public sphere. Therefore, they can convey aspirations in a more appropriate way, namely through a religious discourse. The religious discourse is an act of discourse, that is a discussion with arguments to reach a rational consensus of the best arguments, in the realm of religion. It involves the religious, the secular, and the citizens. It also faces several challenges such as religious fundamentalism, religious privatization, and political religiofication, but it is very relevant to Indonesia, which has many religions and belief streams. Particularly, it is important to see how the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia in order to should be realized.

scholarly journals Liberalisme versus Perfeksionisme? Sebuah Tinjauan Filsafat Politik tentang Relasi Antara Agama dan Negara

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Otto Gusti Madung
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Good Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Good Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
National Ideology ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

Intolerance and violence in the name of religion often flare up in Indonesia. In this regard the state often fails, and indeed itself becomes part of the violation of the citizen’s right to religious freedom. One root of the problem is a confused understanding among law enforcers and among a part of the citizenship concerning the relationship between religion and the state, between private and public morality. This essay attempts to formulate a concept of the relationship between religion and the state from the perspective of two models from political philosophy, namely liberalism and perfectionism. Perfectionism offers a solution to the pathology of liberalism which tends to privatise the concept of the good life. In perfectionism the thematisation of the concept of the good life as in ideologies and religions has to be given a place in the public sphere. In Indonesia this role is taken by the national ideology of Pancasila. Pancasila requires that religious values be translated into public morality. <b>Kata-kata Kunci:</b> liberalisme, perfeksionisme, konsep hidup baik (agama), negara, Pancasila.

scholarly journals Von der Öffentlichkeit des Privaten zu den individuellen Formen familialen Zusammenlebens. Aspekte für eine evangelische Ethik der Familie

2007 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 292-305
Author(s):  
Reiner Anselm
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Young Women ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Basic Framework ◽  
Family Based ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Church

Abstract The article starts with a review about the current public debate on the crisis of family. In the author‘s perspektive this debate is motivated less by the hard facts about the situation of family in the current western societies - although there are many changes - but rather it indicates a changing correlation between a »private« and a »public« concept of family. Up to the 1970ties family was understood as an area of privacy, but the frameset of this area was defined by the public sphere only - mainly by the state and the church. Their representatives assigned a certain form of private life to individual people. But the advantages of emanzipation caused especially young women to decline this structure. They want to design their own conception of family, based on the compatibility of job and motherhood. This formation is described as »crisis of family« by the detractors of modernity. In contrast, it is the author‘s position to take this developments as a chance - especially in a protestant perspective. At the end, the article stetches the basic framework of such a concept of family

Letters of Controversy: Religion, Publication, and the Public Sphere in Seventeenth-Century France

2013 ◽  
Vol 68 (01) ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Jean-Pascal Gay
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The Public ◽  
Early Modern Catholicism ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Publishing Practice ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

This article attempts to bring together religious history and the history of the public sphere. It proposes to reinterpret the historical significance of doctrinal controversies by examining the relationship between a regime of publicity and an ecclesiastic regime. For instance, seventeenth-century French theological controversies were characterized by the frequent publication of letters, which indicates just how strongly the religious legitimacy of a given controversy was called into question. The publication of letters appears to have offered a means of responding to the destabilization of publishing practice caused by these controversies. It also attests to both the religious refusal to transform the church into a public sphere and how the ecclesiastic aspect of doctrinal controversies made them difficult to resolve. The relationship between publicity and religion thus appears particularly relevant for both historians of early modern Catholicism and historians of the public sphere.

scholarly journals Pluralism versus Separation: Tension in the Australian Church-State Relationship

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Renae Barker
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Public ◽  
Australian State ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The One ◽  
High Level ◽  
State Of Tension

Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.

The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

‘Party in the street’: The partisan politics of space

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
State Power ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.

scholarly journals Contested Numbers: Census Controversies and the Press in 1960s Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
The State ◽  
Population Census ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Public Sphere

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.

State contestations in constructions of 1Malaysia

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Public ◽  
Malaysian Population ◽  
Body Of Knowledge ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.

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