Hobbes's Concept of Multitude

2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Omar Astorga

AbstractIn this brief article I expound some uses that Hobbes gave to the concept of multitude. Firstly, I explain the distinction between "people" and "multitude", the confusion of which was regarded in De Cive as a cause of sedition. The plural and disunited character of the multitude is highlighted, in comparison with the unity that constitutes the people. Secondly, I show that Hobbes, beyond the cited distinction, makes a relevant use in Leviathan of the principle of representation, in order to show the way in which multitude becomes State. Finally, I highlight the two-fold use given by the author to such concept: on the one hand, by attributing a theoretical role to it, which should allow thinking of the rational construction of the State; on the other, by showing the historical reality of multitude, turned into a source of madness and sedition.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-145
Author(s):  
André Luiz Cruz Sousa

The aim of this paper is to study a set of three issues related to the understanding of partial justice and partial injustice as character dispositions, namely the distinctive circumstance of action, the emotion involved therein and the pleasure or pain following it. Those points are treated in a relatively obscure way by Aristotle, especially in comparison with their treatment in the expositions of other character virtues in the Nicomachean Ethics. Building on the expression ‘capacity towards the other’ (δύναμις ἐν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον), the paper highlights the interpersonal nature of the circumstances of just and unjust actions, and points how such nature is directly related to notions such as ‘profit’ (κέρδος) or ‘getting more’(πλεονεκτεῖν) as well as to the unusual conception of excess, defect and intermediacy in Nicomachean Ethics Book V. The interpersonal nature of just and unjust actions works also as the starting-point for the interpretation both of the pleasure briefly mentioned in 1130b4 as characterizing the greedy person and of the emotion involved in acting justly or greedy, which is mentioned in an extremely elliptical way in 1130b1-2: the paper argues, on the one hand, that the pleasure felt in acting justly or unjustly concerns not only the goods that are the object of just or unjust interactions, but also the way such interactions affect the people involved; on the other hand, it argues that the emotion actuated in just or unjust interactions relates to the agent’s concern or lack of concern with the good of those people.


2019 ◽  
pp. 153-154
Author(s):  
Mykola Obushnyi

In the context of decentralization of state administration and expansion of powers of local authorities in Ukraine, the ability of, on the one hand, the leadership of the state and, on the other, regional managers, to find compromise solutions taking into account the specifics of each region and state interests becomes important. The monograph is devoted to clarifying the specifics of such an important area in the spiritual life of Ukrainians in Galicia - state-church relations and the problems that arise in the way of their solution in the context of decentralization. The research problem posed by the authors is generally revealed at the level of requirements for this type of work and will be useful to all who are not indifferent to the study of ethno-religious relations in Ukraine.


1994 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mia S. H. Duijnstee

ABSTRACTPartners and children play a key role in home care for persons suffering from dementia. When we compare the burdens placed on these relatives, we find large differences. On the one hand, these result from actual differences in the care situation. On the other, they arise from the differences in the way the people involved experience more or less comparable circumstances. To determine the sources of the differences in the burden on the relatives, a distinction was made between objective and subjective care-giver burden. Qualitative research, therefore, aimed to provide an understanding of the personal interpretation by the people involved. This was realised in about 40 case studies involving relatives.


2019 ◽  
pp. 25-60
Author(s):  
Hjalti Hugason

The Icelandic Constitution from 1874 constituted a national church and religious freedom in the country, instead of the former evangelical-lutheran state-religion. Only four years later discussions began about whether a national church and religious freedom were compatible or if it was necessary to choose the one or the other. In an article published in the last number of this journal it was shown how two opposite viewpoints regarding this question had already developed by 1880. The first one, “the way of separation”, was driven by human-rights perspectives, aiming to establish real religious freedom for everybody. The other one, “the way of legislation”, was based on religious and ecclesiastic perspectives. Those who followed the second one, wanted to develop an independent national church, with ongoing relations with the state. In this second article, particular themes of the debate on separation between church and state are analyzed, and various views on the topic expressed in religious bulletins and journals examined. The main focus will be on the financial relationship between the state and the church after separation had taken place, and the question of public education, which was the responsibility of the national church until 1907. To conclude with, it will be shown how the criticism of separatists were met by constitutional amendments in 1915. Finally, the interpretation that discussions about separation of state and church during the period 1878–1915 should be seen as a part of the national freedom struggle of the Icelandic people is rejected.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 421-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Robertson

It is necessary to distinguish between civilization as a sociocultural complex on the one hand, and civilization as a process, on the other. This is illustrated by invoking the work of Norbert Elias. For Elias, the civilizing process consisted in the way in which what were, historically, constraints on human behaviour became internalized, and is a process that takes different forms in different cultures. On the other hand, at the centre of civilization as sociocultural complex was the question concerning the attributes of a human being, crystallizing as clear-cut criteria for adjudging the degree to which the people occupying a particular territory were or were not civilized. The conception of civilization as a complex has become contemporary via Huntington's ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis, and is indicative of the way in which the very word ‘civilization’ now carries with it a considerable ideological baggage. This article argues that the ideological use of civilization and the wider discourse of the war against terror involves the fusion, or conflation, of civilization as process and civilization as complex.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 140
Author(s):  
Hilla Peled-Shapira

This paper deals with the way in which Communist writers in mid-twentieth-century Iraq used literature in order to, on the one hand express their tense relationship with the regime during times of severe political repression, and on the other hand sharply criticize the Iraqi people themselves for not taking responsibility for or caring about their fate—or, for that matter, for failing to internalize the social class discourse to which the Communists aspired.  The paper’s objective is to examine the connection between the writers’ ideology and the rhetorical and conceptual elements with which they expressed their dissatisfaction with the regime, the way Iraqi society was run, and the desires of both—intellectuals and society at large—to undergo change. In addition, this study will survey the esthetic and stylistic devices, which the writers under consideration chose, and consider both the meanings and motives behind their choices. These aspects will be examined in the framework of a proposed model of “circles of criticism.”  


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 465-471
Author(s):  
Anton Legerer

In a letter of 1952, the former German judge Lothar Kreyssig launched his idea of a reconciliation programme based on the religious – Christian – concept of atonement. From the manual work of German volunteers, those who had formerly been persecuted and their enemies, namely, the State and the People of Israel and Jews on the one hand and Great Britain and the British on the other, should benefit. The addressee of this letter was Graf Paul Yorck von Wartenburg, the brother of the executed resistance fighter Peter Yorck, then working for the Ecumenical Council of Churches in Geneva, who later worked as a German diplomat with a consul assignment in Lyon.


Author(s):  
Sylvester Tabe Arrey

This work examines events from Cameroon's life since becoming a nation to foster understanding of the worrisome political situation the country has been traversing since 2016. Bitter and unhappy with their treatment since joining the French-speaking part, many citizens of the minority English-speaking part feel fed up and desire a breakup. I show that apart from constituting an aspect of its pride, Cameroon's history is also a source of tricky challenges the country has been wrestling with since inception. I contend that issues of this kind will always be around if those in the country's cockpit fly it to a destination other than what satisfies and respects the two people – especially the one that moved the English-speaking part to opt for a joint destiny. Instead of toying with truth to score personal political points, authorities should yield to truth, operating in good faith to correct errors and heal hurt hearts so that both people will willingly, not by force, accept to work together. Contrary actions will risk the future. Happiness moves people to look at their history with pride finding things to build while pain stirs frustration and fury, moving them to search for flaws to fix or fight. I hold that both parts face almost the same challenges from unmet needs to emaciating struggles of survival. However, the English-speaking part has unique plaques that ache terribly and have nothing to do with the country’s general cry of lagging development. They touch on its identity and survival, unleashing pain many out of its shoes might fail to feel and so unable to understand the degree of excruciation. I caution that though it has been a show of two regions, the likelihood of someday evolving into a ten-region revolution is certain if wise and inclusive actions are not applied. Apart from groaning in their own pain, many among the other eight are sympathetic to the predicament of the lamenting two, expressing fury, first, against the denial by highly placed authorities of the existence of any problem, and second, in their ruthless and brutal treatment of those who complain or challenge their stance. Anger increased as people's patience waned. Their calm will not last if things stay unchanged. When arguments evolve and accommodate their worries they will get on board pushing the heat to levels officials will have problems containing without facing the temptation of fighting the people they are in office to protect. I end with recommendations the state and activists might find useful. They highlight measures that can help in a heterogeneous society like Cameroon to preserve peace and save it from becoming a scene of mayhem and butchery.


Author(s):  
Tamires Maria Alves ◽  
Thaís Gonçalves Cruz

Resumo O presente trabalho busca analisar a forma como as instituições penais conformam o novo arranjo criminal do intra e extramuros. Se por um lado é possível enxergar a suposta inabilidade do Estado em conter a criminalidade, por outro, parece que a manutenção dessa característica se torna um eficiente mecanismo para neutralizar e gerir certos indivíduos da sociedade. O artigo tem como objeto a origem do Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), o qual se configura como uma evidência de que políticas penais mais duras são propulsoras de coletivos prisionais. O debate também discutirá sobre as lógicas de pertencimento e exclusão, com o grupo e com o aparelho estatal, respectivamente, as quais parecem legitimar a atuação do PCC. Palavras-chaves: Recrudescimento penal; PCC; Práticas punitivas; Pertencimento. Abstract The present study aims to analyze the way that criminal institutions conform the new criminal arrangement of enter and extra-walls. If, on the one hand, it is possible to see the State's supposed inability to contain crime, on the other, it seems that maintaining this characteristic becomes an efficient mechanism to neutralize and manage certain individuals in society. The article has as object the origin of the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), which is configured as evidence that tougher penal policies are propellants of prison collectives. The debate will also discuss the logic of belonging and exclusion, with the group and with the state apparatus, respectively, which seem to legitimize the work of the PCC. Keywords: Criminal recrudescence; PCC; Punitive Practices; Belonging. Resumen El presente trabajo busca analizar la forma en que las instituciones criminales conforman el nuevo ordenamiento criminal de los intra y extramuros. Si, por un lado, se percibe la supuesta incapacidad del Estado para contener la delincuencia, por otro, parece que mantener esta característica se convierte en un mecanismo eficaz para neutralizar y gestionar a determinados individuos de la sociedad. El artículo tiene como objeto el origen del Primer Comando de la Capital (PCC), que se configura como prueba de que políticas penales más duras son propulsores de los colectivos carcelarios. El debate también discutirá las lógicas de pertenencia y exclusión, con el grupo y con el aparato estatal, respectivamente, que parecen legitimar el trabajo del PCC. Palabras clave: Reclutamiento criminal; PCC; Prácticas punitivas; Pertenencia.


Stasis ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-38
Author(s):  
Janar Mihkelsaar

In this article, I argue that at the center of Jean-Luc Nancy’s approach to the political lies the thinking of subject as that of relation. Throughout the historical actualizations of, for example, the individual, the state, or the people as a subject, the problematic of relation is one that has retreated and now demands to be subjected to a retreatment. When the arche-teleological presuppositions that constitute subject as that which is given enter the phase of deconstruction, subject comes to present itself as nothing but the activity of relating itself to itself. I respond to Nancy’s call to invent “an affirmation of relation” by way of rethinking the logics of sovereignty and democracy. While sovereignty unites, posits, finitizes, and finishes the self of the people, a post-68 democracy pluralizes, infinitizes, and disfigures the identity of the people. Between sovereignty and democracy, notwithstanding their conflicting tenets, the relation is not that of reciprocal exclusion. One is rather the correlative of the other. Without the one, the other would not make any sense. Through this Janus-faced economy of the political, the people can experience its own “reality”—to experience relation itself. The affirmation of relation is what gives and keeps free the voided site of the political for the infinite self-institution of the people, and for that reason is political par excellence.


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