scholarly journals Aðskilnaður ríkis og kirkju. Upphaf almennrar umræðu 1878–1915. Síðari grein

2019 ◽  
pp. 25-60
Author(s):  
Hjalti Hugason

The Icelandic Constitution from 1874 constituted a national church and religious freedom in the country, instead of the former evangelical-lutheran state-religion. Only four years later discussions began about whether a national church and religious freedom were compatible or if it was necessary to choose the one or the other. In an article published in the last number of this journal it was shown how two opposite viewpoints regarding this question had already developed by 1880. The first one, “the way of separation”, was driven by human-rights perspectives, aiming to establish real religious freedom for everybody. The other one, “the way of legislation”, was based on religious and ecclesiastic perspectives. Those who followed the second one, wanted to develop an independent national church, with ongoing relations with the state. In this second article, particular themes of the debate on separation between church and state are analyzed, and various views on the topic expressed in religious bulletins and journals examined. The main focus will be on the financial relationship between the state and the church after separation had taken place, and the question of public education, which was the responsibility of the national church until 1907. To conclude with, it will be shown how the criticism of separatists were met by constitutional amendments in 1915. Finally, the interpretation that discussions about separation of state and church during the period 1878–1915 should be seen as a part of the national freedom struggle of the Icelandic people is rejected.

2019 ◽  
pp. 153-154
Author(s):  
Mykola Obushnyi

In the context of decentralization of state administration and expansion of powers of local authorities in Ukraine, the ability of, on the one hand, the leadership of the state and, on the other, regional managers, to find compromise solutions taking into account the specifics of each region and state interests becomes important. The monograph is devoted to clarifying the specifics of such an important area in the spiritual life of Ukrainians in Galicia - state-church relations and the problems that arise in the way of their solution in the context of decentralization. The research problem posed by the authors is generally revealed at the level of requirements for this type of work and will be useful to all who are not indifferent to the study of ethno-religious relations in Ukraine.


2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Omar Astorga

AbstractIn this brief article I expound some uses that Hobbes gave to the concept of multitude. Firstly, I explain the distinction between "people" and "multitude", the confusion of which was regarded in De Cive as a cause of sedition. The plural and disunited character of the multitude is highlighted, in comparison with the unity that constitutes the people. Secondly, I show that Hobbes, beyond the cited distinction, makes a relevant use in Leviathan of the principle of representation, in order to show the way in which multitude becomes State. Finally, I highlight the two-fold use given by the author to such concept: on the one hand, by attributing a theoretical role to it, which should allow thinking of the rational construction of the State; on the other, by showing the historical reality of multitude, turned into a source of madness and sedition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-24
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ridha Mubarak ◽  
Rabiatul Adawiyah

This paper is based on an argument that discrimination against indigenous religion is a fact of the dynamics of policy interpretations. Therefore, the presence of indigenous people movements such as AMAN (Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara), offers solutions for indigenous rights' violations, and it also serves as a place for discussion on existing and possible threats upon indigenous communities. The indigenous people movements aim to establish religious freedom as a means to promote indigenous religion rights, particularly the importance of customary land. On the one hand, the state recognizes the rights of indigenous people, but, on the other hand they are prosecuted with hard conditions in realizing their rights


Author(s):  
Tamires Maria Alves ◽  
Thaís Gonçalves Cruz

Resumo O presente trabalho busca analisar a forma como as instituições penais conformam o novo arranjo criminal do intra e extramuros. Se por um lado é possível enxergar a suposta inabilidade do Estado em conter a criminalidade, por outro, parece que a manutenção dessa característica se torna um eficiente mecanismo para neutralizar e gerir certos indivíduos da sociedade. O artigo tem como objeto a origem do Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), o qual se configura como uma evidência de que políticas penais mais duras são propulsoras de coletivos prisionais. O debate também discutirá sobre as lógicas de pertencimento e exclusão, com o grupo e com o aparelho estatal, respectivamente, as quais parecem legitimar a atuação do PCC. Palavras-chaves: Recrudescimento penal; PCC; Práticas punitivas; Pertencimento. Abstract The present study aims to analyze the way that criminal institutions conform the new criminal arrangement of enter and extra-walls. If, on the one hand, it is possible to see the State's supposed inability to contain crime, on the other, it seems that maintaining this characteristic becomes an efficient mechanism to neutralize and manage certain individuals in society. The article has as object the origin of the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), which is configured as evidence that tougher penal policies are propellants of prison collectives. The debate will also discuss the logic of belonging and exclusion, with the group and with the state apparatus, respectively, which seem to legitimize the work of the PCC. Keywords: Criminal recrudescence; PCC; Punitive Practices; Belonging. Resumen El presente trabajo busca analizar la forma en que las instituciones criminales conforman el nuevo ordenamiento criminal de los intra y extramuros. Si, por un lado, se percibe la supuesta incapacidad del Estado para contener la delincuencia, por otro, parece que mantener esta característica se convierte en un mecanismo eficaz para neutralizar y gestionar a determinados individuos de la sociedad. El artículo tiene como objeto el origen del Primer Comando de la Capital (PCC), que se configura como prueba de que políticas penales más duras son propulsores de los colectivos carcelarios. El debate también discutirá las lógicas de pertenencia y exclusión, con el grupo y con el aparato estatal, respectivamente, que parecen legitimar el trabajo del PCC. Palabras clave: Reclutamiento criminal; PCC; Prácticas punitivas; Pertenencia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 729-745
Author(s):  
Julio de la Cueva

The modern religious history of Spain and Portugal begins with the religious unity between the state and society forged around Catholicism, and ends with the present era epitomized by ongoing secularization and incipient religious pluralism. With some difficulty, the Catholic Church adapted to the trials posed by nineteenth-century liberalism, reaching an accommodation with the constitutional monarchies in both Iberian countries. The first serious challenge came with the arrival of the republics in Portugal in 1910 and in Spain in 1931. The republics did not last long, however; two Catholic dictatorships governed the fate of the Peninsula until the 1970s, though separation of church and state was formally maintained in Portugal. The dictatorships ended in 1974 and 1975, respectively, giving way to the establishment of new democracies, accompanied on the one hand by secularization in both the state and society, and on the other by growing religious pluralism.


1975 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 336-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Taylor
Keyword(s):  
The One ◽  

In the Confederal phase of integration in the European Communities since 1969, governments on the one hand have been confirmed as essential actors because of the way in which decisions are taken and because of their reaction to the growing range of interdependencies among member states. On the other hand, they are compelled to enter into alliances with other governments and with other actors within the state: they have lost some of their traditional powers and authority, as nongovernmental actors have increased theirs; the Commission of the European Communities reflects these changes in abandoning its claim to be a European government in embryo. Consequently, governments tend to oscillate, in their policies toward each other, between advanced schemes for integration and the reassertion of their separate interests.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Assist. Prof. Dr. Kazım Yıldırım

The cultural environment of Ibn al-Arabi is in Andalusia, Spain today. There, on the one hand, Sufism, on the other hand, thinks like Ibn Bacce (Death.1138), Ibn Tufeyl (Death186), Ibn Rushd (Death.1198) and the knowledge and philosophy inherited by scholars, . Ibn al-Arabi (1165-1240), that was the effect of all this; But more mystic (mystic) circles came out of the way. This work, written by Ibn al-Arabi's works (especially Futuhati Mekkiye), also contains a very small number of other relevant sources.


Author(s):  
Peter Coss

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.


Author(s):  
Jenny Andersson

Alvin Toffler’s writings encapsulated many of the tensions of futurism: the way that futurology and futures studies oscillated between forms of utopianism and technocracy with global ambitions, and between new forms of activism, on the one hand, and emerging forms of consultancy and paid advice on the other. Paradoxically, in their desire to create new images of the future capable of providing exits from the status quo of the Cold War world, futurists reinvented the technologies of prediction that they had initially rejected, and put them at the basis of a new activity of futures advice. Consultancy was central to the field of futures studies from its inception. For futurists, consultancy was a form of militancy—a potentially world altering expertise that could bypass politics and also escaped the boring halls of academia.


Author(s):  
Ulf Brunnbauer

This chapter analyzes historiography in several Balkan countries, paying particular attention to the communist era on the one hand, and the post-1989–91 period on the other. When communists took power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1944–5, the discipline of history in these countries—with the exception of Albania—had already been institutionalized. The communists initially set about radically changing the way history was written in order to construct a more ideologically suitable past. In 1989–91, communist dictatorships came to an end in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Albania. Years of war and ethnic cleansing would ensue in the former Yugoslavia. These upheavals impacted on historiography in different ways: on the one hand, the end of communist dictatorship brought freedom of expression; on the other hand, the region faced economic displacement.


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