From ‘Chaos’ to ‘Order’: The Transition of the Media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014

2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katerina Spasovska ◽  
Iso Rusi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Environment ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Negative Role ◽  
The Media

The chapter examines the development of the media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014 and their relationship with the political system, parties and government. It also looks at the legal environment that sets the rules or lack of such of engagement with political and economic forces. The authors conclude that Macedonian media cannot be set outside the regressive political process. At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the media were part of the institutional structure leading democratization but generally, the media and the journalists in the last 22 years of independent Macedonia have played a negative role similar to that played by the political parties and politicians. The media and the journalists speeded up the transition of the society from closed to open, but at the same time helped create a hybrid of bogus democracy (intermediate) in which they are among its victims.

Romania thirty years later: from a totalitarian dictatorship to a deep state?

2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
Deep State

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.

scholarly journals Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
N. G. ROGOZHINA
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Governance

On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019,  the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important  to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which  as other developing countries of Asia, faces  challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political  history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies –  authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on  political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent  interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process  of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of  transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to  semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in  socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three  stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is  characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over  parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the  evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for  strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI  century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political  system, based on the relative balance of power between two main  political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the  liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating  parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions  regarding the model of political governance was overcome by  military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of  elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of  compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of  XX century is the most likely option of political development of  Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the  social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what  will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.

scholarly journals Toddler Democracy and a Typical Governance in Guinea-Bissau

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 377
Author(s):  
IAIA TURE
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Control Power ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Developing Society

This paper evolves from the beginning of the democratization process which culminated with the formation of political parties and analyzed the functioning of political parties by observing the practice on democracy and governance system in much more contextualized and corresponding terms from 1991 to 2017. The paper explores the relationships between the political system and the constitution as against the transgression of constitutional power as source of conflicts. The paper also examined carefully the roles of political parties, the media and civil society in democratization process. The paper found that there are inversion of values and mis-concept of democracy, political leaders deviate from key democratic principles and there is a group of political elites addicted to power that have been resorting the political fraud to control power which is complicating democratic progress. In order to forestall the ugly trend, the paper recommends that political leaders and elites should lead the country with wisdom. Elected leaders should be people who are ready to fight tirelessly and positively contribute to building and developing society.

Political Viability, Contestation and Power: Islam and Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Freedman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.

The Maghreb a World Apart

2019 ◽  
pp. 161-188
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamist Movement

The uprisings had unique consequences for Tunisia and Morocco. They led to the integration of Islamist parties into the political system, and introduced a political process based on carefully crafted compromises that preserved stability but left the youth deeply dissatisfied. These differences are also encouraging the two countries to turn away from the countries of the Middle East and to look to Europe and Africa for their futures.The choice of moderation and compromise on the part of Islamist parties helped greatly to achieve this outcome, but so did other factors. Tunisia is politically pluralistic, with a leftist trade union and political parties as well as an Islamist movement well embedded in a society that is embracing a mainstream centrist tradition which stems from the early post-independence period. In Morocco, the king’s ever-looming authoritywas a signal to secularists that Islamists would not be allowed to dominate, and to Islamists that they had to accept subservience to the monarch.However, this positive trajectory toward greater democracyrequires economic growth to continue. In this respect, the situation in Morocco is far more encouraging than in Tunisia.

PERAN JALALUDIN RAKHMAT SEBAGAI AKTOR DALAM PERJUANGAN HAK-HAK MINORITAS DI PARLEMEN

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
Political Intervention

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.

Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.

Back to the Westminster model? The Brexit process and the UK political system

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Quantitative Indicators ◽  
The Impact

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.

How Do Mainstream Parties ‘Become’ Mainstream, and Pariah Parties ‘Become’ Pariahs? Conceptualizing the Processes of Mainstreaming and Pariahing in the Labelling of Political Parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Case Selection ◽  
Mainstream Party

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.

The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.

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