Romania thirty years later: from a totalitarian dictatorship to a deep state?

2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
Deep State

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.

scholarly journals Power, Patronage, and the Candidate-nomination Process: Observations from Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
General Acceptance ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.

scholarly journals Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
N. G. ROGOZHINA
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Governance

On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019,  the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important  to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which  as other developing countries of Asia, faces  challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political  history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies –  authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on  political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent  interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process  of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of  transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to  semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in  socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three  stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is  characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over  parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the  evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for  strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI  century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political  system, based on the relative balance of power between two main  political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the  liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating  parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions  regarding the model of political governance was overcome by  military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of  elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of  compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of  XX century is the most likely option of political development of  Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the  social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what  will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.

Political Viability, Contestation and Power: Islam and Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Freedman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Power And Influence

AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.

Parliamentary Government or One Party Dictatorship? The Case of Sri Lanka

1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 267-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.A. Wiswa WarNapala
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Government ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
Electoral Change

The comparative parliamentary stability which Sri Lanka has been experiencing in the last three decades has been attributed to the strength of the country's political system. Some observers refer to “the survival of something close to a two-party parliamentary system, where the two major political parties, more often in association with the fragmented Left and the disintegrating commimalist forces, compete for political power.”1 The electoral changes in the period 1956–77 explain the existence of a two party system unique in character; it was this phenomenon which assisted in the working of a comparatively stable political system in the island. Despite the divergent ideologies which the political parties professed, they perhaps were committed to the orthodox characteristics of the Westminster model. Marxists were even more adamant than their political enemies in insisting on the observance of the rules, procedures and conventions of the parliamentary game of politics.2 The 1977 electoral change and the subsequent political developments brought about a decline in the system of parliamentary government in Sri Lanka. The dim of this essay is to substantiate this view.

The Maghreb a World Apart

2019 ◽  
pp. 161-188
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamist Movement

The uprisings had unique consequences for Tunisia and Morocco. They led to the integration of Islamist parties into the political system, and introduced a political process based on carefully crafted compromises that preserved stability but left the youth deeply dissatisfied. These differences are also encouraging the two countries to turn away from the countries of the Middle East and to look to Europe and Africa for their futures.The choice of moderation and compromise on the part of Islamist parties helped greatly to achieve this outcome, but so did other factors. Tunisia is politically pluralistic, with a leftist trade union and political parties as well as an Islamist movement well embedded in a society that is embracing a mainstream centrist tradition which stems from the early post-independence period. In Morocco, the king’s ever-looming authoritywas a signal to secularists that Islamists would not be allowed to dominate, and to Islamists that they had to accept subservience to the monarch.However, this positive trajectory toward greater democracyrequires economic growth to continue. In this respect, the situation in Morocco is far more encouraging than in Tunisia.

PERAN JALALUDIN RAKHMAT SEBAGAI AKTOR DALAM PERJUANGAN HAK-HAK MINORITAS DI PARLEMEN

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
Political Intervention

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.

scholarly journals the circulation of power in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
pp. 77-106
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.خميس حزام والي
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Power Transfer ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Institutional Dimension

The deliberation and exchanged of power is a matter of political importance For the Iraqi political system after 2003, The deliberation of power and its democratic transition and electoral integrity Is a good indicator of political stability and progress In the Iraqi parliamentary political system , The transfer of authority in terms of adopting the deliberative approach represents a structural and institutional dimension of the political process , it led the power to become Authority of the Foundation Exercised in accordance with the Constitution and the law not real power , And lead to the recognition of the existence of an official parliamentary opposition and its right to take political power later through the ballot box Makes the process of power transfer a peaceful and democratic process , it dose not allow the monopolization of power does not allow any bloc, party or sect, whatever the argument is political or social

From ‘Chaos’ to ‘Order’: The Transition of the Media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014

2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katerina Spasovska ◽  
Iso Rusi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Environment ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Negative Role ◽  
The Media

The chapter examines the development of the media in Macedonia from 1989 to 2014 and their relationship with the political system, parties and government. It also looks at the legal environment that sets the rules or lack of such of engagement with political and economic forces. The authors conclude that Macedonian media cannot be set outside the regressive political process. At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the media were part of the institutional structure leading democratization but generally, the media and the journalists in the last 22 years of independent Macedonia have played a negative role similar to that played by the political parties and politicians. The media and the journalists speeded up the transition of the society from closed to open, but at the same time helped create a hybrid of bogus democracy (intermediate) in which they are among its victims.

Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.

Communication

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian D. Liddy
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
And Control ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

The exercise of political power in late medieval English towns was predicated upon the representation, management, and control of public opinion. This chapter explains why public opinion mattered so much to town rulers; how they worked to shape opinion through communication; and the results. Official communication was instrumental in the politicization of urban citizens. The practices of official secrecy and public proclamation were not inherently contradictory, but conflict flowed from the political process. The secrecy surrounding the practices of civic government provoked ordinary citizens to demand more accountability from town rulers, while citizens, who were accustomed to hear news and information circulated by civic magistrates, were able to use what they knew to challenge authority.

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