The Nation-State According to Whom?

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar Maria Herr
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
National State ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
Cape Horn

In the early nineteenth century Chilean elites centralized political power and forged a national state independent of Spain. The new government’s main goals were to expand Chile’s national territory as far south as Cape Horn, a region that included the frontier zone known as Araucanía (between the Bío-Bío and Toltén Rivers), and assimilate Araucanía’s inhabitants, the “barbaric” Mapuche Indians- several ethnic groups that shared a language and cultural traditions- into Chilean society. Some Mapuche groups such as the Trapatrapa Pehuenches and the Abajinos became ardent supporters of the state’s territorial ambitions. They allied with the Chilean government and fought against a common enemy that included a few remaining Spanish officers, soldiers, and other Mapuche groups such as the Arribanos and Pehuenches of Chillán. This article will analyze the Pehuenches of Chillán and the Arribanos. The Pehuenches of Chillán resisted the Chilean government’s efforts at territorial expansion on to their lands. The Arribanos initially resisted with the Pehuenches of Chillán, but in the mid-1820s switched sides and became a supporter of the Chilean state. This article will address why these two groups were divided and the actions each group undertook to achieve its desired outcome. Ultimately it took most of the nineteenth century for the Chilean state to acquire national territory that extended as far south as Cape Horn, and those that lost the most were the Mapuches.

scholarly journals ايزيديو شنكال والأرمن 1914-1918 دراسة في موقف الايزيديين من المذابح الأرمنية

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saeed Khudeda Alo
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
World War One ◽  
Military Campaign

ملخص البحث:يعتبر الأرمن من احد الجماعات العرقية المميزة التي عاشت في الدولة العثمانية، قاموا بتاسيس جمعيات سياسية في القرن التاسع عشر تلك الجمعيات التي سعت الى تأسيس دولة قومية للارمن بمساعدة الغرب كان ذلك من الاساب الرئيسة الى تعرضهم الى الإبادة الجماعية من قبل الدولة العثمانية. وخلال سنوات الحرب العالمية الأولى توجه الاتراك الى اتباع سياسة قومية وذلك نتيجة لتطورات الحرب فكانت النتيجة تهجير الأرمن من مناطقهم وقيام الاتراك بمذابح منظمة ضدهم، لكن هناك مجموعات تمكنت من النجاة من تلك المذابح والتوجه الى العراق وخاصة الى سنجارحيث قام أهلها من الايزيدييين باستقبال الأرمن ومساعدتهم في محنتهم وبناء البيوت ،من الطين، لهم وإيجاد العمل لهم آنذاك لكي يستطيعوا من استمرار حياتهم. لكن موقف الايزيديين هذا مع الأرمن دفع بالاتراك الى القيام بتوجيه حملة عسكرية الى سنجار أدت الى قتل الكثير من الأهالي ونهبت ودمرت قراهم وتركت اثار سلبية على المنطقة. The Yezidis from Sinjar and the Armenians. 1914-1918A study in the Yezidi position with regards to the Armenian Genocide.The Armenians are reputed to be one of the most distinguished ethnic groups which lived during the rule of the Ottoman Empire.During the nineteenth century they established political societies whose raison d' etre was to pursue the founding of a nation-state for Armenia, backed by Western aid and support.Their political endeavours were one of the main reasons for their genocide under the Ottoman Empire. During World War one, the Turks pursued their own national policy, resulting in the displacement of the Armenians from their territories and targeted massacres against them. There were those who succeeded in escaping theTurkish massacres and fled to Iraq, most particularly the area of Sinjar. The Yezidis from Sinjar welcomed the Armenians and aided them in their process of resettlement, building of mud houses and finding employment. The aid extended by the Yezidi community of Sinjar to the Armenian displaced, caused the Turks to launch a military campaign against Sinjar, looting and destroying villages and murdering many that wreaked havoc upon the region.

Rufino’s Africa

2019 ◽  
pp. 3-8
Author(s):  
João José Reis ◽  
Flávio dos Santos Gomes ◽  
Marcus J. M. de Carvalho ◽  
H. Sabrina Gledhill
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Slave Revolt ◽  
Point Of No Return ◽  
Slave Ships ◽  
Muslim Family

Rufino was born in the ancient kingdom of Ò̩yó̩, one of the most powerful states in West Africa in the early nineteenth century. The expansion of Islam in the area, coupled with internal strife, led to a series of wars involving different ethnic groups. In 1817, a slave revolt in the heart of Ò̩yó̩ weakened its leadership to a point of no return. The victims of the conflicts that followed crowded the slave ships bound for Brazil. Years later, Rufino told the police that he came from a Yoruba Muslim family, who named him Abuncare. He was enslaved by Muslim Hausa warriors, a great number of whom were escaped slaves who ravaged the region where he lived. Rufino was sold on the coast and sent to Bahia in the early 1820s.

Archaeology and the Liberal Revolutions (c. 1820–1860): Nation, Race, and Language in the Study of Europe’s Past

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Ancien Regime ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Financial Growth ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ancien Régime

There was no return to the Ancien Régime after Napoleon’s downfall in 1815. Firstly, the early nineteenth-century economy was increasingly strengthened by the industrial, imperial and trading expansion of the European powers throughout the world (Chapters 5 to 10), which helped to stimulate Western Europe’s financial growth. Adding immeasurable impetus to this movement was the territorial expansion of Russia and the US, and later in the century other countries such as Japan contributed by broadening their frontiers manifold (Chapters 9 and 10). Factors such as these accelerated the enlargement and aspirations of the middle classes, who were precisely the group leading most of the revolutionary activity in the first half of the nineteenth century. Secondly, the reforms in administration made the state machine more efficient than that of the Ancien Régime and this impeded a full restoration of the old order. Also, for the efficient functioning of the state, the enthusiasm with which educated individuals identified with the nation was extremely important to ensure their loyalty. The late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century socio-political revolutions had brought a series of new meanings to concepts such as conservatism, liberal, democrat, party, and the distinction between left and right (Roberts 1996: 21). For example, liberalism was a doctrine that favoured ‘progress’ and ‘reform’. It was also linked with the type of nationalism that the French Revolution had promoted with the sovereignty of nations and the belief that all citizens were equal in the eyes of the law (although at this time ‘citizenship’, as propagated by the proponents of this doctrine, mainly meant the prosperous classes and male citizens). For progressive liberals, it was not only the established states that had the right to be a nation. The nationalist sentiments and claims by Greeks, Slovaks, Czechs, Brazilians, Mexicans, Hungarians, and a myriad of would-be nations, illustrate the growth of the widespread notion of nationhood that reached to other people with distinctive pasts and cultures. Liberals also had to confront, or negotiate with, the reactionary forces that brought down Napoleon in 1815. They were mainly made up of the nobility, and also supported by conservative intellectuals.

scholarly journals Education and Writing Culture in the Sultanate of Riau-Lingga during the Early Nineteenth Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 277-284
Author(s):  
Hafiz Zakariya ◽  
Wiwin Oktasari
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Growth And Development ◽  
Textual Analysis ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Writing Culture

Historically, the Riau-Lingga Sultanate (1824-1911),  is renowned for its significant economic, political, and cultural contributions to the Malay world. It is home to prominent thinkers and writers such as Raja Ali Haji and the members of the Rushdiah club. The continuing cultural dynamism of the Sultanate of Riau-Lingga is an amazing story as it continued to grow despite the collapse of its political power and consequently the imposition of the Dutch control in the area.  This study examines the growth and development of education, library and writing culture during the early nineteenth century. It employs the methods of historical research and textual analysis by examining the growth of these institutions within the historical contexts of the early nineteenth century.  

Agrarian Localities: Political economy as local power in early nineteenth-century British India

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 898-933 ◽  
Author(s):  
UPAL CHAKRABARTI
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Discursive Practices ◽  
British India ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Binary Oppositions ◽  
History Of

AbstractThis article writes the agrarian history of an obscure locality, Cuttack, in early-nineteenth-century British India. In doing so, instead of exalting the explanatory power of the local, or the particular, it interrogates the category of the ‘local’ itself by demonstrating how it was assembled as the object of agrarian governance in British India through a densely interwoven network of discursive practices. I present this network as various inter-regional practices and debates over agrarian governance in British India and some methodological debates of political economy in contemporary Britain. This article argues that the governmental engagement with locally specific, indigenous forms of interrelationship between landed property and political power in British India can be more productively understood as internal to the transformed vocabulary of contemporary political economy, rather than lying outside it, amid the pragmatism and contingency of governance. Accordingly, it shows how the particularity of agrarian relations in a locality was produced out of a host of reconfigurations, over different moments and sites, of a universal classificatory grid. In the process, I question those histories of British India which, being rooted in a series of hierarchized binary oppositions, like inside–outside, abstract–concrete, or universal–particular, reproduce the rationality of colonial governance.

NPD-NDP: Europe's New Nationalism in Germany and Austria

1968 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 308-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Sutter Fichtner
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
The Other ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
National State ◽  
Imperial Germany

Part of the Heritage bequeathed by the Habsburg Empire to the First and Second Austrian Republics was German ethnic nationalism. The movement was a response to what its adherents considered the difficulty of preserving German cultural practices and institutional patterns within a state composed of diverse nationalities. Challenged by the growth of nationalism among the other linguistic and ethnic groups of the Habsburg lands during the latter half of the nineteenth century and stimulated by the appearance of a German national state after 1871, Austro-Germanism grew in size and diversity until 1914. In its more moderate form, the persuasion went no further than stubborn resistance of German Austrians to any cultural or political concessions to non-Germans in the Empire. In the hands of the rabid Pan-Germanist Georg von Schonerer, it was a frankly subversive ideology dedicated to the detachment of the German sections of Austria from the Danubian monarchy and their fusion with imperial Germany.

scholarly journals Imperial contradictions in Arthur Conan Doyle’s The Sign of Four

SURG Journal ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Jennifer Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Literary Work ◽  
British Imperialism ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Indian Mutiny ◽  
Mystery Fiction

Despite Britain’s rapid territorial expansion and its marked success in establishing international colonies, the early nineteenth century British public held widely divergent views concerning imperialist endeavors. While the colonies retained their element of exoticism and decadence, attracting the British public to the idea of colonial enterprise, native insurrections against British imperial rule inspired fear within the British public. By calling the loyalties of colonial natives into question, and casting doubt upon the overall security of Britain, popular support of territorial expansion began to wane. To understand these contradictory popular responses to British imperialism, this article will undertake an analysis of Arthur Conan Doyle’s popular piece of mystery fiction: The Sign of Four, a literary work written in the context of the Indian Mutiny of 1857. By reflecting contemporary attitudes held in response to British Imperialism, The Sign of Four provides a medium through which popular contradictory responses towards British imperialism can be critically examined.

A Government without Citizens

2018 ◽  
pp. 13-37
Author(s):  
Erik Mathisen
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Fundamental Concept ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
American Citizen ◽  
The Relationship

From the early nineteenth century until the Civil War, Americans were at odds over a fundamental concept: what does it mean to be an American citizen? Political change, sectional tensions, the development of abolitionism and reform movements and more, all forced Americans to confront the notion that while the relationship between themselves and the states of their birth were well-established, the connection between citizens and the nation-state was hazy at best. This chapter surveys the period between the 1830s and the 1860s and focuses attention on the contradictory ways that Americans defined themselves as American citizens.

Homophobia as a Tool of Statecraft

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Korycki ◽  
Abouzar Nasirzadeh
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Gender Relations ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
The West ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Iranian State ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter demonstrates how the Iranian state, far from being the pawn of Western machinations, has varied its stance toward homosexuality in pursuit of its objectives—namely modernization, consolidation, and most recently, deliberalization. In doing so, it has refashioned family and gender relations, positioned itself concerning the imperial appetites of the West, and centralized and expanded its power. To trace how this happened, the chapter anchors the story around three moments in which anti-homosexual rhetoric and practice have been deployed. First is the modernization moment lasting from the early nineteenth century to the onset of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Second is the Islamic nation-state consolidation moment following the revolution. Third is the conservative backlash following the attempted liberalization of 1997 and persisting until today.

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